An Elite Litigation Boutique Where Associates Gain Early Trial Experience And Learn By Doing – Above the Law

When
we
think
of
the
perks
that
an
elite
law
firm
might
offer
to
its
attorneys,
our
minds
often
(quickly)
wander
to
the
realm
of
compensation.
While
big
bonuses
and
even
bigger
salaries
are
highly
regarded
in
the
legal
profession,
perhaps
it’s
time
to
expand
our
horizons
and
consider
a
firm’s
culture
and
learning
opportunities
as
major
selling
points.
Your
firm
may
offer
extensive
benefits
of
all
kinds,
but
do
attorneys
feel
like
they’re
growing
in
their
trade?
Are
lawyers
at
your
firm
being
truly
taught
to
excel
in
the
field?


Holwell
Shuster
&
Goldberg


the
elite
boutique
founded
in
2012
by
former
Southern
District
of
New
York
Judge
Richard
Holwell,
along
with
former
White
&
Case
colleagues
Mike
Shuster,
Dan
Goldberg,
and
Dorit
Ungar
Black

is
a
destination
firm
for
litigators.
More
than
a
decade
later,
HSG
is
an
award-winning
firm,
having
recently
claimed
the
title
of
Benchmark
Litigation’s

New
York
Law
Firm
of
the
Year
,
and
boasts
nearly
80
lawyers
peeled
away
from
Biglaw
mainstays.
Associates
at
the
firm
are
also
getting
paid
like
their
Biglaw
brethren.
The
firm
has
matched
the
Cravath
salary
and
bonus
scale
since
2016,
but
the
compensation
isn’t
the
only
major
draw
for
talent
at
the
firm.
Holwell
Shuster
focuses
on
really
training
its
attorneys
for
a
lifetime
of
success
in
court,
and
makes
a
conscientious
effort
to
make
each
of
them
feel
empowered
through
early
career
experience.

Holwell
Shuster
&
Goldberg
is
completely
committed
to
developing
the
finest
associates
by
putting
complete
trust
in
them
at
the
earliest
opportunity,
allowing
them
to
grow
exponentially
as
litigators.
We
recently
had
the
chance
to
chat
with
several
associates
at
the
firm,
who
spoke
incredibly
highly
of
the
many
opportunities
that
have
been
afforded
to
them
through
the
firm’s
unique
training
style.


It’s
often
said
that
the
best
lawyers
learn
by
doing.
How
does
Holwell
Shuster
&
Goldberg’s
model
embody
that
sentiment?


LAUREN
COLE
:
I
came
to
HSG
because
I
wanted
the
opportunity
to
learn
more
by
doing.
I
wanted
the
opportunity
to
lead
my
cases
and
take
the
lead
on
important
parts
of
the
case,
like
depositions
and
motion
practice.

Right
away,
I
was
put
in
the
position
of
being
a
key
strategic
mind
on
my
cases.
I
was
helping
to
craft
our
discovery
and
deposition
strategy.
I
was
learning
how
to
manage
a
case
and
plan
ahead,
not
just
reacting
whenever
I
was
given
an
assignment.

One
of
my
best
experiences
came
when
I
was
a
fourth-year
associate.
I
had
been
working
on
a
case
for
the
better
part
of
two
years
and
knew
the
documents
and
our
story
inside
and
out.
It
was
a
billion-dollar
international
arbitration
hearing,
so
there
was
a
lot
at
stake,
but
the
lead
partner
on
the
case
gave
me
my
own
witness
to
take
at
trial
and
had
me
prep
our
key
witnesses
in
the
case.
That
opportunity
was
indicative
of
my
experience
here
as
a
whole.
Partners
and
more
senior
associates
do
not
keep
opportunities
at
bay
for
more
junior
associates.
If
you
show
that
you
are
eager
for
the
work
and
the
opportunities,
they
will
come
to
you.

I
have
yet
to
ask
for
an
opportunity
that
I
did
not
get,
whether
that
be
oral
arguments,
taking
depositions
or
writing
dispositive
motions.
That
is
part
of
the
reason
I
have
truly
enjoyed
growing
my
practice
here.
HSG
is
a
place
where
the
partnership
really
invests
in
the
development
of
its
associates
early
on
in
their
careers.


What
makes
trial
work
fun?


IAN
MILLER
:
I
had
a
blast
at
our
trial
representing
a
small
supplier
against
Walmart.
I
loved
that
the
intense
pace
meant
that
I
saw
the
impact
of
my
work
immediately,
as
my
research
done
one
night
would
be
immediately
tested
in
my
argument
in
court
the
next
morning.
Our
lean
trial
team
was
a
true
team
effort,
and
because
the
partners
took
everyone’s
strategic
ideas
seriously,
the
whole
team
was
motivated
to
stay
focused
on
how
their
individual
pieces
of
the
trial
fit
into
the
broader
strategic
vision.

I
was
really
invested
in
each
twist
and
turn
of
the
trial,
and
each
night
during
trial
I
drafted
part
of
an
outline
of
the
closing
argument
and
sketched
a
few
potential
slides
for
the
closing.
Closing
arguments
landed
on
a
Monday,
and
we
had
a
furious
push
over
the
weekend
to
get
everything
ready.
Because
I
had
already
developed
an
outline
and
some
slides
throughout
trial,
my
work
helped
shape
the
final
themes
and
narrative.
Watching
the
jury’s
reaction
to
those
ideas
during
our
closing
argument
and
then
waiting
for
their
verdict
was
equal
parts
exciting
and
excruciating,
but
it
was
all
worth
it
when
the
foreperson
announced
a
$101
million
verdict
for
our
client.

Trial
work
isn’t
the

only

thing
that’s
fun
at
Holwell
Shuster.
Here’s
the
firm’s
London
Luxury
trial
team
viewing
the
total
solar
eclipse
between
closing
arguments
in
the
case.
Miller
is
the
associate
taking
the
selfie
shot
here,
along
with
the
rest
of
the
trial
team.
In
the
front
row
(from
left
to
right)
are
Brendon
DeMay,
HSG
partner;
Karen
Sebaski,
HSG
counsel;
and
Priyanka
Timblo,
HSG
partner.
In
the
back
row
(from
left
to
right)
are
Scott
Richardson,
Arkansas
counsel;
Christine
Sun,
former
HSG
paralegal;
Ben
Allen,
former
HSG
associate;
Mike
Pusterla,
FTI
trial
graphics;
and
Gordon
Lewis,
London
Luxury.

HSG Eclipse Trial Courtesy Image

(Courtesy
photo)


How
has
the
firm’s
early
trial
exposure
for
associates
impacted
your
career
development?
 


BRIAN
GOLDMAN
:
HSG’s
early
trial
exposure
has
positively
impacted
my
career
development
in
innumerable
ways.
The
key
adjective
in
that
question
is
“early,”
because
when
you
get
stand-up
trial
experience
towards
the
start
of
your
career,
the
next
time
you
do
it

and
then
the
third
and
fourth
time
you
do
it

you
can
start
to
hone
your
style,
all
while
still
being
an
associate,
which
is
really
rare
these
days
in
high-impact
litigation
practices.
I’ve
experienced
this
firsthand.
When
I
was
a
junior
associate,
I
second-chaired
a
bunch
of
examinations
in
a
major
federal
antitrust
jury
trial.
I
got
to
see
so
many
different
styles
and
approaches
from
all
types
of
good
lawyers

both
at
HSG
and
from
our
opposing
counsel

and
filed
that
away
as
sort
of
live
practice
tips.
And
then
a
few
months
later,
I
actually
took
a
witness
in
an
international
arbitration
seated
in
Switzerland.
I
was
across
from
the
senior
partner
on
the
matter,
who
worked
at
a
Biglaw
firm.
I
was
highly
focused
on
doing
the
examination
technically
correctly

getting
out
all
the
questions,
and
hopefully,
the
answers
we
needed

and
just
wanted
to
avoid
any
hiccups.
Following
that,
across
the
years,
I
had
other
opportunities,
including
examining
witnesses
in
a
different
international
arbitration
merits
hearing,
and
then
in
a
bankruptcy
trial
in
federal
court
in
Houston.
In
all
these
instances,
you’re
continually
honing
your
style,
finding
the
pitch
that
is
comfortable
for
you,
and
also
just
becoming
more
confident.
Things
slow
down
a
bit.
And
so,
by
the
time
I
examined
witnesses
in
a
jury
trial
in
Seattle
federal
court
a
few
months
ago,
I
remember
one
of
the
witnesses
who
I
was
examining
asked
me
if
I
was
his
first

and
I
very
proudly
said
“nope!”
As
you
go
on,
you’re
still
focusing
on
getting
down
to
brass
tacks
and
making
sure
the
examination
is
technically
sound,
but
the
experience
that
you
have
is
a
reed
you
can
lean
on
and
learn
from,
and
lets
you
look
beyond
the
outline
and
adjust
based
on
what
the
witness
is
saying,
how
the
jury
or
judge
is
reacting,
why
you’re
drawing
an
objection
from
opposing
counsel,
and
that
type
of
thing.
And
building
that
confidence
and
familiarity
while
you’re
an
associate
is
invaluable.


What
does
it
feel
like
to
work
at
a
firm
where
you’re
entrusted
with
a
substantial
role
in
a
high-stakes
litigation
matter
so
early
in
your
career?


CHARLOTTE
BAIGENT
:
It’s
both
motivating
and
humbling.
I
am
so
grateful
to
work
with
incredibly
talented
lawyers
I
admire,
who
are
also
kind,
supportive,
and
encouraging
mentors
and
colleagues.
Working
at
a
firm
where
I’ve
been
entrusted
with
significant
responsibilities
in
high-stakes
litigation
early
on
has
pushed
me
to
become
a
better
lawyer
as
quickly
as
I
can

to
learn
to
trust
my
instincts,
to
lead,
to
really
understand
my
clients,
and
to
make
strategic
decisions
with
the
full
life
of
the
case
in
mind.
Since
joining
HSG,
I
have
had
opportunities
to
take
and
defend
many
depositions,
examine
expert
witnesses
at
trial,
argue
evidentiary
issues
at
trial,
draft
trial
and
appellate
briefs,
and
help
manage
complex,
high-stakes
litigation.
At
each
of
those
moments
in
my
career,
I
had
mentors
and
colleagues
who
invested
a
great
deal
of
their
time
to
help
me
develop
my
skills
and
reach
the
next
stage
in
my
career
development.

Congratulations
to
Holwell
Shuster
&
Goldberg
for
its
willingness
to
put
its
attorneys’
trial
experience
and
career
development
first,
above
all
else.
With
a
firm
culture
like
this,
it
makes
it
a
lot
easier
for
employees
to
feel
truly
valued
as
attorneys.

What
does
the
culture
at
your
law
firm
look
like?
We’d
love
to
profile
what
life
looks
like
at
your
firm.
Please
get
in
touch
with
us

via
text (646-820-8477)
or email (subject
line:
“[Firm
Name]
Culture”)

and
let
us
know.



Staci ZaretskyStaci
Zaretsky
 is
a
senior
editor
at
Above
the
Law,
where
she’s
worked
since
2011.
She’d
love
to
hear
from
you,
so
please
feel
free
to

email

her
with
any
tips,
questions,
comments,
or
critiques.
You
can
follow
her
on

X/Twitter

and

Threads

or
connect
with
her
on

LinkedIn
.

Working Remotely As A Biglaw Associate Is Sadly A Thing Of The Past – Above the Law

During
the
height
of
the
pandemic,
Biglaw
firms
were
eager
to
hire
associates
to
work
remotely

after
all,
a
talent
war
was
afoot
amid
the
battle
against
COVID-19,
and
firms
were
willing
to
try
anything
to
staff
cases.
Some
firms,
like
Quinn
Emanuel,
even
created
“work
from
anywhere”
policies
for
associates.
But
now,
in
2024,
these
remote
work
policies
are
few
and
far
between,
as
younger
associates
are
being
ushered
back
to
the
office
in
favor
of
hybrid
work
policies
and
face-time
mandates.
These
days,
true
remote
work
programs
are
a
dying
breed.
The

American
Lawyer

has
the
details:

“Firms
are
generally
doing
remote
hires
only
when
they
have
no
choice;
the
only
suitable
candidate
for
a
job
lives
nowhere
near
their
offices,
for
example,”
said
Darin
Morgan,
managing
partner
with
legal
recruiting
firm
Major,
Lindsey
&
Africa.

Exceptions
to
that
rule
do
exist,
and
Morgan
said
some
Big
Law
firms
are
continuing
to
permit
full-time
associate
work
schedules
in
cases
where
associates
relocate
to
a
geography
where
the
firm
has
no
physical
presence,
or
if
a
firm
desires
to
hire
an
associate
with
a
specialized
skillset
but
who
doesn’t
live
near
the
office.

Remote
work
arrangements
in
Biglaw
are
now
the
exception,
not
the
rule.
My,
how
quickly
things
change.
But
why
are
law
firms
pushing
for
an
office
presence
for
younger
associates?
It’s
all
about
the
face-to-face
training
and
mentoring,
with
most
early-year
(and
more
experienced)
associates
required
to
spend
time
at
the
office
three
or
more
days
each
week.

One
main
reason
behind
the
current
in-person
push
is
the
desire
to
have
young
associates
exposed
to
onsite
partner
supervision
and
training,
Morgan
said.

“I
don’t
think
there
are
many
top-tier
firms
out
there
that
are
still
recruiting
new
or
lateral
associates
to
work
exclusively
on
a
remote
working
basis,”
said
Scott
Yaccarino,
co-founder
of
Empire
Search
Partners.
“Although
there
were
plenty
of
associates,
and
partners,
that
valued
being
able
to
work
on
a
fully
remote
basis,
the
arrangement
was
never
ideal
from
a
training,
development,
and
team-building
perspective.”

Firms
are
still
willing
to
give
remote
associates
a
try,
but
those
who
can
commute
to
an
office
are
preferred.
One
of
those
firms
is
Orrick.
Siobhan
Handley,
chief
talent
officer,
said
that
the
firm
“continue[s]
to
both
hire
full-time
remote
talent
and
consider
requests
for
lawyers
to
move
to
remote
arrangements
when
family
and
other
considerations
mean
they
need
to
move
to
a
market
where
we
do
not
have
an
office.”
Ice
Miller
is
another
firm
that
continues
to
hire
remote
associates,
but
only
if
need
be
and
“under
extenuating
circumstances.”
As
noted
by
managing
partner
Michael
Millikan,
“You
go
where
you
can
find
talent.”

As
for
the
rest
of
Biglaw,
especially
the
most
elite
firms,
remote
work
may
simply
be
a
no-go
concept.

“Remote
work
is
something
that
is
no
longer
embraced
and
it
will
be
very
difficult
for
an
attorney
to
find
a
fully
remote
position
in
Big
Law,”
[Katherine]
Loanzon,
[managing
director
with
Kinney
Recruiting,]
said.

It
sure
was
nice
while
it
lasted.


‘Only
When
They
Have
No
Choice’:
Has
Big
Law’s
Remote
Hiring
Wave
Run
its
Course?

[American
Lawyer]



Staci ZaretskyStaci
Zaretsky
 is
a
senior
editor
at
Above
the
Law,
where
she’s
worked
since
2011.
She’d
love
to
hear
from
you,
so
please
feel
free
to

email

her
with
any
tips,
questions,
comments,
or
critiques.
You
can
follow
her
on

X/Twitter

and

Threads

or
connect
with
her
on

LinkedIn
.

How The Newest Supreme Court Justices Compare: A Look At Each Of Their Respective First Two Years On The Court – Above the Law

For
11
years
between
1994
and
2005,
there
was
no
turnover
in
membership
on
the
Supreme
Court.
There
were
four
changes
to
the
Court’s
composition
between
2005
and
2010,
and
then
another
four
changes
between
2017
and
2022.
Of
the
four
newest
justices
on
the
Court,
three
were
appointed
by
President
Trump
and
one
by
President
Biden.

In
the
most
recent
Supreme
Court
term,
Justices
Neil
Gorsuch,
Amy
Coney
Barrett,
Brett
Kavanaugh,
and
Ketanji
Brown
Jackson
significantly
influenced
rulings
with
broad
implications.
The
conservative
supermajority,
including
Gorsuch,
Barrett,
and
Kavanaugh,
limited
federal
regulatory
authority,
restricted
prosecutorial
discretion,
and
expanded
presidential
immunity.
Gorsuch,
a
libertarian,
advocated
for
strict
limitations
on
agency
power
and
supported
overturning
the Chevron doctrine.
Barrett,
while
often
aligned
with
conservatives,
showed
independence
in
dissenting
on
obstruction
statute
interpretations
related
to
January
6.
Kavanaugh,
seen
as
more
of
a
moderate
on
the
right,
pragmatically
supported
federal
limits
while
maintaining
certain
rights.

Justice
Jackson,
the
only
Biden
appointee,
represents
a
progressive
counterpoint.
Her
dissents
emphasize
civil
liberties
and
deference
to
longstanding
legal
protections,
particularly
in
administrative
law.
Jackson’s
concurrence
on
the
obstruction
statute
reflected
her
commitment
to
statutory
interpretation
and
a
restrained
judicial
role,
indicating
her
willingness
to
collaborate
across
ideological
lines.

Now
a
look
back
at
the
differences
in
their
first
terms
on
the
Court
which
is
the
focus
of
the
remainder
of
this
article.


Justice
Jackson

Justice
Ketanji
Brown
Jackson’s
debut
term
on
the
Supreme
Court
was
dynamic,
marked
by
her
deep
involvement
and
distinctive
voice
in
oral
arguments
and
written
opinions.
Her
presence
reshaped
the
bench’s
rhythm,
frequently
questioning
the
impact
of
legal
arguments
on
marginalized
communities
and
historically
underrepresented
groups.
Known
for
her
rigorous,
probing
inquiries,
she
navigated
complex
cases
with
pointed
precision,
especially
in
decisions
surrounding
affirmative
action
and
voting
rights.

She
brought
her
legal
prowess
to
significant
cases
shaping
the
future
of
education
and
electoral
authority.
In Students
for
Fair
Admissions
v.
North
Carolina/Harvard
,
she
pushed
for
race-conscious
admissions
policies,
highlighting
the
role
such
policies
play
in
countering
historic
inequities,
particularly
for
disadvantaged
communities.
In Moore
v.
Harper
,
she
joined
a
majority
in
rejecting
the
“independent
state
legislature
theory,”
which
could
have
sharply
increased
state
legislatures’
power
over
elections,
a
decision
seen
as
a
reinforcement
of
judicial
checks
on
electoral
processes.
Both
cases
spotlighted
Jackson’s
approach
to
interpreting
the
law
in
ways
that
reflect
constitutional
protections
for
equality.


Justice
Barrett

In
specific
cases,
Barrett
joined
other
conservative
justices
in
several
pivotal
rulings
that
reinforced
free
exercise
rights,
property
rights,
and
the
separation
of
powers.
In Roman
Catholic
Diocese
of
Brooklyn
v.
Cuomo
,
the
Court
ruled
in
favor
of
religious
groups
challenging
COVID-19
restrictions
on
worship,
while
in Fulton
v.
City
of
Philadelphia
,
it
upheld
the
rights
of
Catholic
Social
Services
in
a
dispute
over
foster
care
services.
Moreover,
the
Court
underscored
protections
for
property
rights
in Cedar
Point
Nursery
v.
Hassid
,
preventing
union
access
to
private
land,
and
affirmed
presidential
removal
power
in Collins
v.
Yellen
.
Barrett’s
presence
influenced
a
clear
majority
that
consistently
leaned
toward
conservative
interpretations,
disproving
the
theory
of
a
fractured
Court
and
showing
unity
among
the
justices
on
key
constitutional
principles.


Justice
Kavanaugh

Justice
Brett
Kavanaugh’s
first
Supreme
Court
term
solidified
his
conservative
stance.
In
key
cases,
he
joined
with
conservatives
to
restrict
federal
court
intervention
in
partisan
gerrymandering
and
supported
adding
a
citizenship
question
to
the
2020
census.
Kavanaugh
also
backed
limits
on
abortion
in
a
Louisiana
case
and
opposed
a
death
row
inmate’s
appeal
regarding
lethal
injection
pain.

His
rulings
often
emphasized
reducing
federal
agency
power,
as
seen
in Gundy
v.
United
States
 and Kisor
v.
Wilkie
,
where
he
sought
to
limit
agencies’
regulatory
authority.
Kavanaugh
occasionally
aligned
with
liberal
justices,
as
in
allowing
an
antitrust
case
against
Apple
and
advocating
for
a
fair
trial
in
a
race-charged
jury
selection
case,
though
his
decisions
overall
underscore
a
reliably
conservative
judicial
approach.


Justice
Gorsuch

Justice
Neil
Gorsuch
has
established
himself
as
a
strong
textualist
on
the
Supreme
Court,
following
in
the
footsteps
of
Justice
Antonin
Scalia.
His
opinions
emphasize
strict
adherence
to
legal
texts
and
a
restrained
judiciary,
evident
in
his
inaugural
decision
in Henson
v.
Santander
Consumer
USA
,
where
he
affirmed
the
role
of
the
judiciary
as
interpreters
of
the
law.

Gorsuch
has
voiced
concerns
about
federal
overreach
and
the
preservation
of
states’
rights.
In
a
dissent
on
federal
courts
exercising
authority
over
state
law
claims,
he
criticized
the
erosion
of
boundaries
between
state
and
federal
power.
He
also
defended
individual
rights
in
cases
like Minnesota
Voters
Alliance
v.
Mansky
,
where
he
questioned
the
state’s
authority
to
restrict
voter
attire,
and NIFLA
v.
Becerra
,
where
he
challenged
California’s
mandate
on
private
advertising
of
state
services.


Issues
and
Votes


Case
coding
was
derived
from
the
most
recent
iteration
of
the United
States
Supreme
Court
Database
.


Justice
Gorsuch’s
early
years
demonstrate
a
commitment
to
conservative
principles,
particularly
in
First
Amendment
and
union-related
cases,
aligning
him
with
the
Court’s
conservative
ethos
on
free
speech
and
limiting
government
intervention.
However,
his
higher
dissent
rates
in
criminal
procedure
(35.29%)
and
economic
activity
cases
(19.44%)
reflect
a
libertarian
approach,
prioritizing
individual
rights
over
state
or
federal
authority.
His
dissents
regarding
judicial
power
(19.35%)
further
underscore
his
willingness
to
diverge
from
the
majority
in
advocating
for
limited
government
reach.

Justice
Kavanaugh
had
a
strong
majority
presence
on
high-stakes
issues,
with
a
100%
majority
vote
in
cases
involving
economic
activity
and
federalism.
His
pattern
reflects
a
tendency
to
uphold
existing
federal
authority
and
prioritize
stability
in
economic
regulations.
His
dissent
rates
in
civil
rights
(23.81%)
and
judicial
power
cases
(23.08%)
indicate
a
willingness
to
question
the
Court’s
majority
when
individual
liberties
or
judicial
authority
are
at
stake,
but
his
overall
alignment
signifies
a
stabilizing
influence
within
the
conservative
wing.

Justice
Barrett
was
frequently
in
the
majority
across
various
issue
areas,
including
civil
rights
and
criminal
procedure,
signaling
her
alignment
with
the
Court’s
conservative
leaning.
She
supported
the
majority
in
over
88%
of
First
Amendment
cases
and
95%
of
civil
rights
cases,
indicating
a
tendency
to
uphold
conservative
interpretations
impacting
individual
liberties.
Her
limited
dissents,
particularly
in
economic
activity
(13.64%)
and
criminal
procedure
(11.54%),
suggest
occasional
divergence
from
the
majority,
yet
her
votes
favored
foundational
issues
like
federalism
and
judicial
power.

Justice
Jackson’s
voting
record
reflects
a
more
mixed
alignment
with
the
Court’s
majority.
Her
higher
dissent
rates
in
criminal
procedure
(40.91%)
and
economic
activity
(23.33%)
suggest
a
progressive
inclination
toward
individual
rights.
While
she
aligned
with
the
majority
in
many
civil
rights
(76.19%)
and
First
Amendment
cases
(87.5%),
her
pattern
indicates
an
openness
to
dissenting
against
the
Court’s
majority,
particularly
in
criminal
justice
and
economic
regulations,
positioning
her
as
a
leftward
influence
on
the
Court.


Authorships
By
Issue
Area


Gorsuch
and
Kavanaugh
frequently
addressed
arbitration
issues,
particularly
in
employment
disputes.
Gorsuch
authored
two
opinions
on
labor-related
arbitration,
while
Kavanaugh’s
focus
was
broader,
indicating
a
conservative
approach
that
limits
litigation
and
promotes
private
dispute
resolution.
In
contrast,
Jackson
and
Barrett
engaged
with
arbitration
cases
only
once.

In
criminal
law,
Gorsuch
and
Kavanaugh
wrote
opinions
on
the
death
penalty’s
constitutionality,
underscoring
their
conservative
stance
on
sentencing.
Jackson
focused
on
defendants’
rights
and
protections,
while
Barrett
addressed
double
jeopardy.

Gorsuch
and
Barrett
also
authored
opinions
related
to
administrative
law
and
federal
preemption,
advocating
for
restricted
administrative
authority
and
state
sovereignty.
Gorsuch
expressed
skepticism
of
expansive
federal
power,
contrasting
with
Jackson
and
Kavanaugh,
who
did
not
author
opinions
in
this
area.

Kavanaugh
stood
out
with
multiple
opinions
on
First
Amendment
issues,
while
Gorsuch’s
rulings
on
the
Freedom
of
Information
Act
(FOIA)
showed
his
commitment
to
transparency.
Jackson
demonstrated
her
concern
for
accountability
through
civil
rights
cases.

Jackson
and
Gorsuch
engaged
with
interstate
conflict
issues,
with
Jackson
covering
federal
matters
like
veterans’
rights
and
bankruptcy,
while
Barrett’s
scope
was
more
limited.
Gorsuch
and
Kavanaugh
also
addressed
intellectual
property,
with
Gorsuch
focused
on
patents
and
Kavanaugh
on
copyrights.

The
majority
opinions
authored
by
Justices
Gorsuch,
Kavanaugh,
Barrett,
and
Jackson
reveal
distinct,
yet
sometimes
similar
judicial
philosophies
(at
least
for
Trump’s
nominees).
Gorsuch’s
opinions
relied
on
constitutional
protections
and
statutory
interpretations,
frequently
in
cases
related
to
the
Fifth
and
Sixth
Amendments.
Jackson’s
opinions
reflected
a
commitment
to
individual
rights
and
procedural
fairness,
citing
the
same
amendments
and
engaging
with
the
Federal
Arbitration
Act
and
FOIA.

In
contrast,
Kavanaugh
dealt
more
with
First
Amendment
issues
in
his
opinions,
examining
speech
and
the
judiciary’s
role
in
adjudicating
federal
matters.
Barrett’s
decisions
reflect
a
practical
approach
to
statutory
frameworks,
focusing
on
administrative
law
and
governmental
accountability.

Overall,
Justices
Gorsuch
and
Jackson
had
more
attention
in
their
majority
authorships
on
constitutional
rights,
while
Justices
Kavanaugh
and
Barrett
address
broader
societal
implications
and
regulatory
frameworks,
highlighting
their
distinct
responses
to
contemporary
legal
challenges.


Concluding
Thoughts

In
examining
the
decisions
of
Justices
Jackson,
Barrett,
Gorsuch,
and
Kavanaugh
over
their
initial
two
years
on
the
Supreme
Court,
distinct
patterns
emerge
that
highlight
their
differing
judicial
philosophies
and
priorities.
Justice
Jackson,
as
the
newest
member
of
the
Court,
has
demonstrated
a
strong
commitment
to
civil
rights
and
due
process,
often
aligning
with
majority
opinions
in
cases
involving
these
areas.
Her
judicial
approach
reflected
a
focus
on
the
nuances
of
criminal
law
and
the
implications
of
sentencing,
showcasing
a
propensity
to
advocate
for
the
rights
of
individuals
within
the
justice
system.

In
contrast,
Justice
Barrett’s
voting
patterns
suggested
a
more
traditional
conservative
approach,
with
a
notable
emphasis
on
federal
taxation
and
economic
activity.
Although
she
consistently
voted
in
the
majority,
her
willingness
to
dissent
in
cases
concerning
the
First
Amendment
illustrates
a
complex
engagement
with
free
speech
issues.
This
contrasts
with
Justice
Gorsuch,
who,
while
also
exhibiting
conservative
tendencies,
showed
a
more
libertarian
inclination
in
areas
like
habeas
corpus
and
judicial
power.
His
opinions
reflected
a
commitment
to
protecting
individual
liberties
against
government
overreach,
often
positioning
him
as
a
vocal
advocate
for
defendants’
rights.

Justice
Kavanaugh’s
decisions
exhibited
a
blend
of
conservative
principles
with
an
occasional
bridging
approach
across
ideological
lines.
While
he
frequently
aligned
with
the
majority
in
cases
concerning
civil
rights
and
economic
activity,
his
moderate
dissenting
votes
indicated
a
willingness
to
challenge
the
status
quo
when
he
perceives
a
significant
impact
on
judicial
authority
or
individual
rights.

Overall,
these
justices
reflect
the
ideological
spectrum
of
the
Supreme
Court.
Their
respective
experiences
underscore
the
complexities
of
navigating
legal
precedents
and
the
interpretation
of
constitutional
principles
in
an
increasingly
polarized
judicial
landscape.




Adam
Feldman
runs
the
litigation
consulting
company
Optimized
Legal
Solutions
LLC.
For
more
information
write
Adam
at [email protected]
Find
him
on
Twitter: @AdamSFeldman.

Kamala Harris Keeps Voters Interested With Surprise Cameo Appearance On SNL – Above the Law

Maya
Rudolph
and
Kamala
Harris
(Photo
by
Jeenah
Moon/Getty
Images)



Ed.
note
:
Welcome
to
our
daily
feature,

Quote
of
the
Day
.



Maya
:
Now,
Kamala,
take
my
palm-ala.
The
American
people
want
to
stop
the
chaos…

Kamala
:
And
end
the
drama-la…

Maya
:
With
a
cool
new
stepmom-ala
to
kick
back
in
our
pajama-las
and
watch
a
rom-com-ala…

Kamala
:
Like
Legally
Blonde-ala…

Maya
:
And
start
decorating
for
Christmas

fa
la
la
la
la.

Maya
:
Because
what
do
we
always
say?

Maya
and
Kamala
:
Keep
calm-ala
and
carry
on-ala.

Maya
:
We
know
each
other
so
well,
we
even
finish
each
other’s…

Maya
and
Kamala
:
Belief
in
the
promise
of
America.




An
exchange
between
comedian

Maya
Rudolph
,
who
plays
Kamala
Harris
on
Saturday
Night
Live,
and
Vice
President

Kamala
Harris
,
the
Democratic
presidential
nominee,
during
this
past
weekend’s
pre-election
cold
open
on
SNL.
After
the
skit
aired,
NBC

filed
an
“equal
time”
notice

with
the
FCC,
offering
to
provide
former
President

Donald
Trump

with
the
opportunity
to
make
a
brief
appearance
on
the
show.
Watch
the
full
clip,
below.



Staci ZaretskyStaci
Zaretsky
 is
a
senior
editor
at
Above
the
Law,
where
she’s
worked
since
2011.
She’d
love
to
hear
from
you,
so
please
feel
free
to

email

her
with
any
tips,
questions,
comments,
or
critiques.
You
can
follow
her
on

X/Twitter

and

Threads

or
connect
with
her
on

LinkedIn
.

How Tech-Savvy GCs Can Overcome Governance And Productivity Challenges – Above the Law

Chief
Legal
Officers
and
professionals
in
Legal
Operations
are
instrumental
in
steering
organizations’
legal
departments
through
the
complexities
of
their
technology,
governance,
and
productivity
challenges.

Our
latest
whitepaper,
“The
Modern
CLO
&
Legal
Ops
Toolkit,”
delves
into
the
critical
role
CLOs
and
Legal
Ops
play
and
provides
strategic
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them
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Download
the
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  • The
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Halloween House Of Horrors Channels Supreme Court – Above the Law

(Photographer:
Samuel
Corum/Bloomberg)

As
we
put
Halloween
behind
us
and
begin

the
thawing
of
Mariah
Carey
,
we’re
still
sorting
through
the

four
scariest
words
for
lawyers

and
the
submissions
for
our

costume
contest
.
But
it
seems
even
beyond
what
we’ve
gotten
directly
from
readers,
there
were
some
scary
(read:
hopelessly
nerdy)
shenanigans
out
there.

I
mean,
what
even
is
this?

The
ghosts
of

Chevron

deference
are
all
the
future
people
who
will
choke
on
some
toxin
that
the
court
decides
falls
outside
the
EPA’s
power
to
regulate.
The
natural
and
logical
consequences
of
putting

lawyers
like
this
guy

in
charge
of
deciding
what
to
regulate.

But
full
credit
to
this
terrifying
house
of
horrors.

Is
that
a
giant,
working
gavel?

Absolute
masterpiece.




HeadshotJoe
Patrice
 is
a
senior
editor
at
Above
the
Law
and
co-host
of

Thinking
Like
A
Lawyer
.
Feel
free
to email
any
tips,
questions,
or
comments.
Follow
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if
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interested
in
law,
politics,
and
a
healthy
dose
of
college
sports
news.
Joe
also
serves
as
a

Managing
Director
at
RPN
Executive
Search
.

As Election Day looms, what Trump and Harris presidencies will (and won’t) mean for defense – Breaking Defense

US
Vice
President
and
Democratic
presidential
candidate
Kamala
Harris
(R)
shakes
hands
with
former
US
President
and
Republican
presidential
candidate
Donald
Trump
during
a
presidential
debate
at
the
National
Constitution
Center
in
Philadelphia,
Pennsylvania,
on
September
10,
2024.
(Photo
by
SAUL
LOEB/AFP
via
Getty
Images)


WASHINGTON

On
Tuesday,
Americans
will
head
to
the
polls
to
cast
a
vote
for
either
Vice
President

Kamala
Harris

or
former
President

Donald
Trump

in
an
election
where
national
security
has
taken
a
backseat
to
domestic
issues
like
the
economy,
immigration
and
abortion
rights.


Neither
Harris
nor
Trump
have
provided
details
on
their
defense
priorities
and
the
budget
it
will
take
to
bring
them
to
fruition.
But
both
have
spent
four
years
in
the
White
House,
leaving
plenty
of
clues
as
to
how
they
could
lead
the
most
powerful
military
in
the
world.


And
while
analysts
told
Breaking
Defense
a
Trump
administration
would
likely
be
a
more
unpredictable
one
on
defense
policy
compared
to
a
relative
continuation
of
Biden
administration
priorities
under
Harris,
they
also
said
that
equally,
if
not
more
important,
will
be
whichever
party
controls
the
houses
of
Congress
where
the

defense
budget

is
crafted.


“We
have
a
much
wider
range
of
uncertainty
when
it
comes
to
Trump,”
said
Todd
Harrison,
a
defense
budget
expert
with
the
American
Enterprise
Institute.
“Under
Trump,
we
could
see
a
huge
shift
in
strategy
to
become
much
more
isolationist,
which
could
end
up
bringing
major
changes
in
the
defense
budget
and
a
drastic
reduction
in
force
structure.”

At
the
same
time,
Harrison
added,
“the
makeup
of
Congress,
and
specifically
the
makeup
of
the
House,
I
think
will
actually
matter
much
more
to
the
future
of
the
defense
budget
than
whoever
the
president
is.”

Meanwhile,
public
comments
by
industry
executives
suggest
they’re
confident
the
demand
signal
for
their
products
will
remain
strong,
no
matter
what
happens
next
week.


With
four
days
until
America
votes
on
its
next
leader,
here
are
the
key
factors
at
play.

For
Trump,
Uncertainties
And
International
Skepticism


The
Republican
platform
includes
a
promise
to
“prevent
World
War
Three,
restore
peace
in
Europe
and
in
the
Middle
East,
and
build
a
great
Iron
Dome
missile
defense
shield
over
our
entire
country.”


Throughout
the
campaign
trail,
Trump
has
reiterated
those
statements,
potentially
setting
the
stage
for
greater
missile
defense
investments. 


At
the
same
time,
he
has
questioned
whether
the
US
should
remain
in
NATO,
a
longtime
point
of
skepticism
for
the
former
president,
who
has
hammered
alliance
members
for
failing
to
live
up
to
the
2
percent
GDP
commitment
for
defense
spending.


Trump
has
also
signaled
that
he
would
oppose
further
military
aid
for
Ukraine
unless
it
enters
peace
talks,
and
stated
in
September
that

Ukraine

should
have
made
“concessions”
to
Russia
to
avoid
war,
according
to
the

Associated
Press.
 



RELATED:

Zelensky
implores
US
to
continue
aid
for
Ukraine
amid
election
uncertainty
 


During
a
rally
at
Madison
Square
Gardens
on
Sunday,
Trump
said
he
would
strengthen
and
modernize
the
military,
reiterating



an
old
2020
claim
that


he
had
“rebuilt
our
military
in
total.”


But
Harrison
said
those
comments
are
somewhat
contradictory,
leaving
it
unclear
how
much
defense
funding
Trump
believes
is
actually
needed.


“If
you’ve
got
all
new
equipment,
why
do
you
need
to
procure
anything
else?”
Harrison
said.
“Of
course,
it’s
laughably
untrue
what
he
said.
But
what
if
he
actually
believes
it?”

TOPSHOT-BRITAIN-US-NATO-SUMMIT-DEFENCE-DIPLOMACY

US
President
Donald
Trump
speaks
during
his
meeting
with
Nato
Secretary
General
Jens
Stoltenberg
at
Winfield
House,
London
on
December
3,
2019.
(Photo
by
NICHOLAS
KAMM/AFP
via
Getty
Images)


While
Trump’s
first
term
brought
rising
budgets
and
a
renewed
focus
on
China
to
the
Pentagon,
Trump
himself
was
sometimes
a
turbulent
influence
on
the
department,
with
moments
that
included
personally
involving
himself
in

contract
negotiations
for
the
F-35

and
Air
Force
One,
and
unilaterally
promising
to
cut
the
defense
budget,
only
to

reverse
course

and
boost
the
budget
after
meeting
with
key
defense
leaders. 


That
volatility
makes
it
hard
to
know
whether
Trump
is
serious
when
he
talks
about
leaving
NATO
or
signaling
that
he
could
revoke
support
for
Ukraine,
analysts
said.


“Maybe
none
of
this
happens.
That
is
one
view
that,
‘Oh,
this
is
just
rhetoric,’”
said
Byron
Callan
of
Capital
Alpha
Partners.
“But
I
think
that
there
would
be
a
pretty
profound
period
of
uncertainty
until
those
answers
are
known.”


Roman
Schweizer,
a
defense
analyst
with
TD
Cowen,
was
optimistic
about
defense
investments
under
a
Trump
presidency,
characterizing
the
Republican
platform
as
“very
supportive
of
defense.” 


He
added
that
prominent
national
security
Republicans
in
Congress
and
within
the
administration
would
likely
be
supportive
of
increasing
the
base
budget,
though
they
may
be
less
likely
to
approve

supplemental
spending

like
the
foreign
aid
bill
passed
last
spring,
which
approved
additional
funds
for
Ukraine,

Israel
,
Taiwan
and
key
US
defense
industrial
base
priorities.


However,
even
if
the
Trump
administration
is
broadly
supportive
of
defense
spending,
other
campaign
priorities
could
have
negative
impacts
on
the
defense
industry,
Callan
said.
For
instance,
plans
to
enact
a



20
percent
tariff


on
all
imported
goods
could
result
in
financial
pressure
on
defense
contracts.


Another
complication
could
be
the
potential
creation
of
a
new
organization,
the
Department
of
Government
Efficiency,
centered
on
reducing
federal
spending,
Callan
said.
Trump
has
said
he
would
tap
SpaceX
founder
Elon
Musk
to
lead
the
new
department,
and
Musk
said
on
Sunday
he
believed
he
could
cut
at
least
$2
trillion
from
the
$7.3
trillion
federal
budget
requested
for
FY25.


“When
you
start
hearing
those
numbers
get
thrown
around,
it’s
like,
if
you
think
defense
is
going
to
be
rising
with
a
$2
trillion
cut,
it’s
not
going
to
happen,”
Callan
said.
“Not
that
I
think
a
$2
trillion
cut
is
likely,
but
just
this
period
of
uncertainty
about,
well,
what’s
going
to
happen?”

For
Harris,
A
Potential
Biden
2.0
Pentagon


Analysts
agreed
that
a
Harris
victory
would
likely
bring
a
fair
amount
of
continuity
with
the
Biden
administration
in
terms
of
both
policy
and
personnel,
should
the
new
administration
retain
some
Pentagon
leaders
like
Air
Force
Secretary
Frank
Kendall,
who
has
expressed
interest
in
serving
under
Harris.


During
her
speech
at
the
Democratic
National
Convention,
Harris
said
she
would
ensure
the
United
States
retains
“the
strongest,
most
lethal
fighting
force
in
the
world,”
and
that
the
nation
wins
the
technological
race
against
China
in
areas
like
space
and
artificial
intelligence. 


Unlike
Trump,
she
has
vowed
to
“stand
strong
with
Ukraine
and
our
NATO
allies,”
signaling
she
would
seek
further
military
aid
for
Ukraine
going
forward.
And
while
Harris
condemned
the
humanitarian
crisis
in
Gaza,
she
said
she
would
“always
ensure
Israel
has
the
ability
to
defend
itself,”
confirming
that
she
will
also
continue
military
aid
for
Israel.


Still,
that
doesn’t
mean
a
Harris
presidency
would
mean
a
gold
rush
for
defense
contractors,
Harrison
said.
His
prevailing
assumption
is
that
a
Harris
administration
would
prioritize
domestic
spending,
leading
to
defense
budgets
that
are
“basically
flat
with
inflation
or
maybe
slight
real
growth.”


“The
only
way
I
would
see
significant
defense
budget
growth
in
the
Harris
administration
is
if
it
is
part
of
a
deal
with
congressional
Republicans
to
get
through
some
of
her
priorities
on
the
non-defense
side
of
the
budget,”
he
said.

Vice President Kamala Harris Visits Houston

Vice
President
Kamala
Harris
waves
after
arriving
at
Ellington
Field
JRB
and
being
greeted
by
Chief
Master
Sergeant
Bennie
Bellvin,
147th
Attack
Wing
Command
Chief
and
Colonel
Bif
French,
147th
Attack
Wing
Commander,
July
24,
2024.
(U.S.
Air
National
Guard
photo
by
Tech.
Sgt.
Stacy
Cooper)


Schweizer
said
the
single
best
scenario
for
defense
contractors
is
a
Harris
win,
coupled
with
a
Democratic
House
and
Republican
Senate.
That
permutation
of
what
he
called
the
“congressional
Rubik’s
cube”
couples
Harris’s
likely
support
for
Ukraine
and
Israel
with
a
pro-defense
Senate
and

most
importantly
— 
a
House
where
the
far-right
Freedom
Caucus
would
have
little
power
to
stymie
military
aid
for
supplemental
spending,
he
said.

The
worst-case
scenario,
according
to
Harrison,
is
a
narrow
Republican
majority
in
the
House,
“because
the
Freedom
Caucus
will
continue
to
hold
defense
hostage
to
try
to
give
more
spending
cuts
overall,”
he
said.

‘Trading
On
Results’


Although
defense
companies
announced
third
quarter
results
in
late
October,
just
a
couple
weeks
before
Election
Day,
the
subject
of
the
next
president
largely
flew
under
the
radar
during
earnings
calls
with
investors.


“Right
now,
the
stocks
are
really
trading
on
results,”
Callan
said.
“They
don’t
appear
to
be
looking
beyond
results
and
into
election
scenarios.”


Even
when
pressed,
executives
haven’t
drawn
a
distinction
between
how
a
Harris
or
Trump
presidency
could
impact
defense
spending

at
least
not
publicly.


Northrop
Grumman
CEO

Kathy
Warden

said
she
didn’t
expect
a
“significant
difference”
in
defense
spending
between
a
Trump
or
Harris
administration
during
an
earnings
call
last
month.


“What
we
have
seen
over
time
is
that
the
defense
budget
more
reflects
the
threat
environment
than
any
particular
administration
change,
and
so
we
fully
expect
that
again,
this
time,”
she
said. 
“The
national
defense
strategy
has
remained
consistent
over
the
past
several
years,
in
the
last
couple
of
administrations,
and
we
believe
that’s
because
it
is
responsive
to
the
emerging
threats
around
the
globe
and
focused
on
both
deterring
and
defending.
And
in
that
regard,
it’s
well
aligned
to
the
program
portfolio
that
Northrop
Grumman
has.”


Similar
sentiments
have
been
shared
by
Frank
St.
John,
Lockheed
Martin’s
chief
operating
officer.
During
an

August
interview

with
Breaking
Defense,
St.
John
said
that
the
Pentagon
is
experiencing
“a
flat
or
a
declining
real
purchasing
power”
relative
to
inflation,
but
added
that
it
was
too
early
to
say
how
defense
budget
toplines
could
shape
up
over
the
next
couple
years.


“With
regards
to
the
election,
we
think
that
deterrence
and
deterrence
capabilities
are
an
enduring
theme,
regardless
of
which
party
is
in
the
executive
branch
or
who’s
in
control
of
Congress,”
he
said.
“And
so
we
think
our
programs
are
well
supported
in
the
budget,
and
we’re
looking
forward
to
working
with
whatever
the
new
administration
looks
like.”


Other
defense
executives
pointed
to
the
uncertain
political
environment
as
a
factor
underlying
more
conservative
projections
about
how
business
could
fare
in
2025
and
beyond.  


Speaking
to
investors
during
an
Oct.
19
earnings
call,

Leidos

Chief
Financial
Officer
Chris
Cage
said
the
company
sees
“growth
momentum”
in
its
defense
unit
but
wants
to
be
“cautious”
about
giving
more
exact
financial
guidance
for
2025
until
there
is
greater
certainty
on
the
outcome
of
the
election
and
ongoing
FY25
budget
process.


“You
look
at
the
backdrop,
we’re
clearly
in
an
election
year.
There
is
a
risk
of

an
extended
CR
and
some
disruption,”
he
said.
“If
we
get
more
clarity
in
the
several
months
ahead,
we’ll
be
in
a
better
position
to
refine
that
point
of
view
going
into
the
early
part
of
next
year.”

Morning Docket: 11.04.24 – Above the Law

*
Car
crashed
into
law
firm
office
Halloween
night.
Too
bad
it
wasn’t
a
DWI
firm.
[KOAT]

*
Second
Circuit
affirms
that
“Thinking
Out
Loud”
is
not
“Let’s
Get
It
On.”
You
could
say
they
didn’t
even
see
any

Blurred
Lines

when
considering
their
similarities.
[Law360]

*
Considering
potential
Harris
and
Trump
judicial
nominations.
[ABA
Journal
]

*
Another
Biglaw
salary
bump…
in
London.
[Bloomberg
Law
News
]

*
Law
firm
converting
a
bar
into
their
new
office.
One
stop
shopping!
[KTAR]

*
Class
action
targets
company
charging
big
transaction
fees
for
school
lunch
payments.
CFPB
already
found
that
the
company
has
charged
parents
$100
million
in
“junk
fees.”
[NJ
Law
Journal
]

*
Eric
Adams
trial
set
for
April.
[Courthouse
News
Service
]

Commonwealth chief bids for Zimbabwe readmission despite rights abuses

LONDON,
United
Kingdom

Zimbabwe
could
be
readmitted
to
the
Commonwealth

despite
concern
over
its
human
rights
record

following
support
from
Baroness
Scotland,
the
organisation’s
controversial
Secretary-General.

She
has
recommended
the
country
be
allowed
to
return
more
than
20
years
after
its
expulsion
for
human
rights
violations
under
ex-president
Robert
Mugabe.

The
move
comes
despite
allegations
of
election-rigging
and
detention
of
political
opponents
by
president
Emmerson
Mnangagwa,
who
has
also
voiced
support
for
Russia’s
invasion
of
Ukraine.

An
Informal
Assessment
Report
by
Baroness
Scotland
says
that
‘stakeholders’
in
Zimbabwe
have
‘reported
an
overall
improved
political
environment’,
adding:
‘I
am
certain
that
with
the
help
of
the
Commonwealth
family
the
country
will
flourish
once
again.’


The
Secretary-General
was
dubbed
‘Baroness
Brazen’
after
it
emerged
she
spent
£338,000
refurbishing
her
grace-and-favour
Mayfair
apartment
and
appointed
allies
to
key
posts
after
she
got
the
Commonwealth
job.
She
is
to
step
down
early
next
year.

On
Zimbabwe,
she
says
that
while
the
country
was
‘still
in
the
early
stages
of
its
democratic
journey
and
challenges
remain,
including
the
issue
of
political
prisoners
and
upholding
freedom
of
association,
most
of
the
core
criteria
have
been
sufficiently
and
broadly
met’.

She
recommends
Zimbabwe’s
membership
progresses
to
the
‘next
stage’,
which
entails
her
consultation
with
member
countries.

The
publication
Africa
Confidential
says
she
made
the
recommendation
despite
criticism
of
Zimbabwe’s
2023
elections
in
a
Commonwealth
Observers’
Report
which
has
been
slow
to
emerge.

It
found
‘shortcomings
with
the
process
that
call
into
question
the
credibility,
transparency
and
inclusivity
of
the
election’.
It
added
Zimbabwe
had
passed
laws
that
‘negatively
impacted
journalistic
freedoms’.

Zimbabwe
has
been
trying
to
rejoin
the
Commonwealth
since
2018
for
the
prestige
of
being
a
member

and
access
to
markets
with
low
trade
tariffs.

A
Commonwealth
spokesman
said:
‘We
have
ascertained
that
all
stakeholders
(government,
opposition,
civil
society,
media,
religious
leaders
etc)
are
eager
to
see
Zimbabwe
back
in
the
family.’ MailOnline

Mental exam for ‘prophet’ who tried to enter Blue Roof with message for Grace Mugabe


Blue
Roof
visit

Gore
Mukondiwa
was
arrested
after
refusing
to
leave
former
first
lady
Grace
Mugabe’s
residence

HARARE

A
man
claiming
to
have
the
power
of
prophecy
was
arrested
after
demanding
to
see
former
first
lady
Grace
Mugabe
at
her
Blue
Roof
residence
in
Borrowdale
Brooke
in
Harare,
a
court
heard
on
Thursday.

Gore
Mukondiwa
was
denied
entry
by
police
officers
guarding
the
residence
but
was
insistent,
eventually
leading
to
his
arrest.

He
has
been
charged
with
criminal
trespass
over
the
unwelcome
visit
to
Mugabe’s
sprawling
mansion
on
October
29.

Harare
magistrate
Sharon
Rakafa
remanded
him
in
custody
to
November
7
after
giving
an
order
that
Mukondiwa
should
undergo
an
examination
under
the
Mental
Health
Act.

The
court
heard
that
the
former
first
lady,
who
was
entertaining
visitors
at
the
time
of
Mukondiwa’s
visit,
refused
to
see
him,
dismissing
him
as
a
“nuisance.”

Mukondiwa
was
claiming
he
had
a
prophecy
that
he
wanted
to
deliver
to
former
President
Robert
Mugabe’s
widow.

In
the
dock,
Mukondiwa
appeared
surprised
that
a
mental
examination
had
been
ordered,
telling
the
magistrate
that
he
was
a
“spiritual
guide”
and
of
sound
mind.

Mukondiwa
is
not
new
to
controversy.
In
2022
he
threatened
to
dethrone
the
current
chief
of
Marange
in
Manicaland,
Bernard
Makungauta
Murwira,
while
claiming
to
be
the
heir
apparent.

Mukondiwa,
of
Gonon’ono
Village
under
Chief
Marange,
claimed
his
namesake
and
great-great
grandfather,
Gore
Mukondiwa,
who
allegedly
was
once
the
leader
of
the
Marange
people
in
the
1800s,
was
dethroned
and
murdered
by
the
current
chief’s
great-great
grandfather.

He
claimed
that
his
great-great
grandfather’s
spirit
was
now
manifesting
and
demanding
that
he
(Mukondiwa)
be
installed
as
the
leader
of
the
Marange
people.

He
told
the
Manica
Post
that
he
has
been
single
since
2004
when
he
divorced
his
wife
because
his
namesake’s
spirit
had
rendered
his
family
members
single
through
unexplainable
divorces.

Post
published
in:

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