IPC Acute Food Security Situation June – September 2019 and Projection for October – December 2019 – The Zimbabwean

30.8.2019 8:38

Currently, despite all humanitarian assistance provided, over 2 million people are in need of urgent action in Zimbabwe

Key results

Currently, 25% of the rural population are estimated to be in Crisis or Emergency (IPC Phase 3 and 4) and face moderate to large food consumption gaps or are only marginally able to meet minimum food needs by depleting essential assets or employing crisis or emergency coping strategies. Another 26% are in Stress (IPC Phase 2).

Between October and December, the number of people in IPC Phase 3+ is expected to increase to 3.58 million (38%) with nine districts classified in Emergency (IPC Phase 4).

The first half of the agricultural season (Oct-Dec 2018) was affected by El Niño, which resulted in a delayed start of the season; and the second half was characterised by prolonged dry spells. The Eastern and parts of Southern Zimbabwe were affected by Cyclone Idai. These climate shocks, exacerbated by the effects of the Fall Army Worm, resulted in significantly reduced crop harvest. The second round crop and livestock assessment reported a deficit of 760,000 MT indicating that most households will have reduced supply from own production. Livestock diseases contributed to two thirds of cattle deaths. Water availability and grazing conditions are generally fair but are expected to deteriorate as the season progresses. The situation is also a result of the prevailing macro-economic situation in Zimbabwe characterised by hyperinflation (98% in May 2019) leading to erosion of income and purchasing power.

Recommendations and next steps

  • In light of the high prevalence of acute food insecurity, there is need for urgent assistance to reduce food consumption gaps and protect/save livelihoods for the 2.29 million people in IPC Phase 3 (Crisis) and above and the additional 1.3 million people facing Crisis or worse between October and December 2019.
  • In response to increased vulnerability, the Government and its Development Partners should consider improving efficiency in the identification of beneficiaries. A standardised approach to enhance accountability should be implemented.
  • Management of Food Aid: Government should take far-reaching and monitorable actions to reform the way Zimbabwe receives and manages food aid. Management of Food Aid should be in-line with the “Paris Declaration on Aid Effectiveness” particularly item 3(ii) – increasing alignment of aid with partner country’s priorities, systems and procedures and helping to strengthen their capacities.
  • Crop Production: Results show evidence of households’ constraints in accessing agriculture inputs. During the current 2019/20 consumption year, more resources should be channelled towards Government Input Support (the Command Agriculture and Presidential Input Scheme Programmes), household economy strengthening and building productive community assets.
  • Crop Production – Government to consider the importance and urgency of efforts to build resilience against climate variability and climate change amongst the rural populations of Zimbabwe. These efforts could include stepping up the promotion of climate-smart agriculture, water harvesting and irrigation development, particularly in the most drought-prone areas – Crop Pests: Considering the damage caused by the Fall Army worm, building capacity of extension agencies in providing the relevant and high quality information to farmers on Fall Armyworm is recommended. Government to ensure Research institutions have capacity to determine sustainable ways of managing the pest including efficacy of pesticides and indigenous control measures, most effective, lowest-risk, economical, accessible and easily used by smallholders (without sophisticated machinery).
  • Livestock Production: Livestock drought mitigation strategies need to be prioritized in areas that suffered most from the drought and where livestock makes the most significant contribution to households’ livelihoods. The mitigation strategies could include (i) Provision of subsidised livestock feeds and animal drugs; and (ii) Facilitating access to relief grazing.
    Income and Expenditure – Interventions that strengthen households’ economy and resilience are thus recommended to ensure households remain food and nutrition secure.
  • Child Nutrition: In view of results showing high levels of stunting, Child Supplementary Feeding Programmes (CSFP) should be prioritised as a matter of urgency especially for districts with Global Acute Malnutrition above 5%. Livelihoods and food security interventions coupled with nutrition education programmes should be implemented alongside emergency response programmes to ensure consumption of diverse and micronutrient rich foods while simultaneously building community resilience to future shocks that compromise household food and nutrition security. There is need for a robust and real-time community based surveillance system to constantly monitor the tenuous nutritional situation especially as the season progresses towards the hunger or lean months of the year.
  • Enhanced Food Access: It is recommended that Government consider duty free for the import of household’s food requirements as per Zimstat’s food basket.
  • Shocks and Hazards – Government and development partners should consider broadening social protection and resilience-building programmes in order to strengthen absorptive and adaptive capacities of at-risk communities through scaling up of programmes such as Harmonised Social Cash transfers and Productive Community Works targeting both labour and non-labour constrained households.
Hunger, death and safer births in cash-strapped Zimbabwe
SADC, political elite is blind to suffering of the masses in Zimbabwe

Post published in: Agriculture

SADC, political elite is blind to suffering of the masses in Zimbabwe – The Zimbabwean

The military has become a very powerful political institution in Zimbabwe. Increasingly the military has been dabbling in the electoral landscape and openly supporting one faction against another in the ruling party. ILLUSTRATION | JOHN NYAGA 

In Summary

  • The leaders meeting in Tanzania did not pay adequate attention to the way Zimbabwe’s crisis has been manufactured by nationalist elite.

Tanzania recently hosted the Southern Africa Development Community (SADC) Summit and, as part of the resolutions, the leaders condemned sanctions against Zimbabwe. They agreed to make October 25, 2019 a “day of political action against sanctions” in solidarity with Zimbabwe.

The ruling Zimbabwe African National Union Patriotic Front (Zanu-PF), celebrated the resolution as a victory. But, as the summit was going on, in Zimbabwe, the opposition had organised national protests, which were brutally stopped by the police backed by the military. While the leaders in Tanzania revived the liberation movement solidarity that historically existed in the pan-African project to liberate Zimbabwe, the people of Zimbabwe themselves were protesting the worsening socio-economic conditions.

While showing solidarity with the political class in Zimbabwe, the citizens have been abandoned. It is likely that the country will face more social unrest.

LIBERATION

The leaders meeting in Tanzania did not pay adequate attention to the way Zimbabwe’s crisis has been manufactured by a nationalist elite, who have abandoned the liberation project of transformation and are now focused on an accumulation project, which has killed the country’s economic prospects.

No amount of “liberation solidarity” is going to rescue a leadership that is imploding. The International Monetary Fund has said that Zimbabwe’s economy will experience negative growth. Power generation has almost ground to a halt, as electricity is now only available for a few hours at night. Incomes for the working class have collapsed so badly that the average worker now earns almost $40 a month and unions are threatening strikes.

Inflation has been spiralling out of control and close to five million Zimbabweans have crossed the borders into South Africa, Botswana, Namibia and Mozambique. Others have gone to Australia, Europe and the US. If there were no crisis in printing passports, more citizens would leave.

But this crisis cannot be explained by the noise over sanctions. The economic collapse can be blamed on the way the nationalist-liberation movement in the country has degenerated because of corruption, incompetence and unwillingness to promote economic and political reforms.

After the removal of Robert Mugabe in November 2017, the military has become a very powerful political institution. Just before Mugabe left, the Commander of the Zimbabwe Defence Forces issued a warning that as a “result of squabbling” within the ruling party, “there has been no meaningful development in the country for the past five years” and that the economic impasse had “ushered in more challenges to the Zimbabwean populace.”

Increasingly the military has been dabbling in the electoral landscape in the country and openly supporting one faction against another in the ruling party.

MILITARY INVOLVEMENT

While the involvement of the military in politics can be traced to the early 1980s, it intensified after 2000, when the ruling political class faced a formidable challenge from the Movement for Democratic Change (MDC) then led by the late Morgan Tsvangirai.

In 2008, the military took complete charge of the ruling party machinery and engaged in operations across the country to make sure that Mugabe was retained in the election. The election was so bloody that the opposition leader fled, hundreds of opposition members were brutalised, the Africa Union and SADC refused to endorse the results and the mayhem only ended when a government of national unity was formed.

Since then, the military has continued its march into civilian institutions. Men — and a few women — from the army, especially those associated with the liberation army of the 1970s, are now occupying very powerful positions across the bureaucracy.

Vice-President Kembo Mohadi was in the military in the 1970s; the other vice-president, Constantine Chiwenga was recently the Commander of the Zimbabwe Defences Force (ZDF). The ministers of Agriculture and Foreign Affairs are former army generals. What this means is that while Zimbabwe has constitutional democracy institutions like parliament, judiciary and holds periodic elections, the real political power now lies elsewhere — in what has been called the “junta” or the “system.”

This is a network of very powerful military elites who make decisions that override civilian institutions and the result has been catastrophic on several fronts. Routinely, the military and its resources are deployed against citizens and the election campaign of 2018 was run by a political commissar, who is a former army general.

SANCTIONS AND THE RULING CLASS

The ruling political class has been very quick to point to the sanctions imposed by the US as a stumbling block to economic transformation. There is no doubt that the sanctions have restricted the ability of Zimbabwe to access financial facilities from the likes of the IMF and the World Bank. But the story goes further than this.

Zimbabwe’s growth prospects have been hampered by widespread corruption. When the army generals placed Mugabe under house arrest and then he subsequently resigned, they cited corruption around the president as a cause of political instability in the country. What has since emerged is that for the past four decades in Zimbabwe, the ruling elites have inserted themselves in every corner of the economy – the political class is now the business class.

Officials from the Ministry of Finance recently admitted, in parliament, that the ministry had irregularly disbursed $3 billion. Year in, year out, the Auditor-General has diligently pointed to how state resources have been pillaged and nothing has been done. The Zimbabwe Anti-Corruption Commission is chaired by Loice Matanda-Moyo, the wife of Foreign Affairs minister Sibusiso Moyo.

It was significant that the SADC Summit was held in Tanzania. First, Tanzania’s founding president Mwalimu Julius Nyerere was a pan-Africanist who maintained solidarity with the liberation project in Africa. Second, post-colonial Tanzania has remained politically and socially stable, with leadership changes, and has escaped the scourge of regionalist and ethnic movements that have torn apart most independent African countries. Third, and most importantly, Tanzania, especially the University of Dar es Salaam, provided intellectual space for pan-Africanists, Marxists, nationalists and radical activists of all shades who challenged colonialism and apartheid. So notable was Tanzania in the pan-African solidarity that Dr Walter Rodney made it his home when he was researching, teaching, and wrote How Europe Underdeveloped Africa, which became a seminal text in understanding Africa’s underdeveloped political economy.

But Africa has changed and the nationalist movements have been in power for a while now. The nationalist movement has been in power in Zimbabwe for almost four decades and they have made a mess of things. Unless the regional leaders confront the real problem of militarism in Zimbabwe’s politics, the cycle of repression and protest will continue and more Zimbabweans will continue fleeing poverty. As Nelson Mandela once said, the Zimbabwe crisis is a leadership crisis.

Tinashe L. Chimedza is an associate director of the Institute for Public Affairs in Zimbabwe

CiZC deeply concerned about the deteriorating socio-economic conditions in Zimbabwe

Post published in: Featured

Oh Great, The Gender Pay Gap Is Actually Getting Worse For General Counsel

Well, isn’t this just super. Despite the increased attention being paid to the gender pay gap in the legal profession, there’s new data that suggest the problem is getting worse, not better.

According to Equilar’s latest General Counsel Pay Trends study, which crunches pay data from publicly traded companies in the U.S., male General Counsels make on average 18.6 percent more than women in the same roles — which is the largest gap recorded since Equilar began studying the metric in 2014. Ugh.

Previous iterations of the study placed the pay gap for GCs at around 11 percent. However in the 2017 to 2018 period, median GC compensation for men increased — from $2.52 million to $2.63 million — while median pay for women GCs fell — from $2.44 million to $2.21 million.

As John Gilmore, managing partner at consulting firm BarkerGilmore, told Corporate Counsel, clients in the space are attempting to hire more diverse candidates, but, well getting rid of the pay gap is hard work:

Despite the discouraging stats, Gilmore said in an interview Wednesday that “clients are out actively trying to attract more women and minorities to the GC ranks.”

But he acknowledged that, in general, when “you’re looking at some of the larger companies you’re finding a lot of men in those roles and they’re being extremely well-compensated because they’re [named executive officers] and they have a seat at that table.”

And maybe some good old-fashioned outrage will help move the needle.


headshotKathryn Rubino is a Senior Editor at Above the Law, and host of The Jabot podcast. AtL tipsters are the best, so please connect with her. Feel free to email her with any tips, questions, or comments and follow her on Twitter (@Kathryn1).

Beset by lawsuits, criticism in U.S., opioid makers eye new market In India – MedCity News

Pain, like death, is a universal phenomenon.

The sour grimace on the woman’s face, registering her bodily complaints to Dr. G.P. Dureja in his East Delhi office, would be recognized anywhere. Slouched shoulders, pinched forehead. She wore a willowy black kurta and cast a disapproving glance at the five pain physicians-in-training huddled behind Dureja, founder of Delhi Pain Management Centre and one of India’s pioneering pain physicians.

The five trainees, participants in the center’s acclaimed pain fellowship program, recorded the woman’s consultation on their smartphones, eager to see India’s famous pain doctor do his work. After their fellowships, they will return home, to Chennai, Kashmir, Rajasthan, ready to forge careers in India’s exploding pain industry.

The woman had been under Dureja’s care for some time now; he diagnosed her with fibromyalgia, a chronic neurological disorder of mysterious origin that causes pain throughout the body. But the regimen of Paracetamol and tramadol, an opioid analgesic, was not working and she was beyond fatigued. She wanted more relief.

Dr. G.P. Dureja, surrounded by medical trainees, consults with a patient in his office at Delhi Pain Management Centre, a chain of specialized medical centers dedicated to the minimally invasive treatment of chronic pain.

Indians once thought of pain relief as an indulgence of the West, Dureja said after the woman left his office gripping her new prescriptions. The old way of thinking was, “Nobody has time to complain about pain in our country. But I’m getting five to seven new patients per day.”

Storefront for-profit pain clinics like Delhi Pain Management Centre are opening by the score across Mumbai, Kolkata, Bangalore and other cities in this teeming nation. After decades of stringent narcotics laws, borne of debilitating opium epidemics of centuries past, India is a country ready to salve its pain.

And American pharmaceutical companies — architects of the opioid crisis in the United States and avid hunters of new markets — stand at the ready to feed and fuel that demand.

For Indian cancer patients who once writhed in agony, there are fentanyl patches from a subsidiary of Johnson & Johnson.

For the country’s vast army of middle-class office workers wracked with back and neck pain, there is buprenorphine from Mundipharma, a network of companies controlled by the Sackler family, owners of Connecticut-based Purdue Pharma.

And for the hundreds of millions of aging Indians with aching joints and knees, there are shots of tramadol from Abbott Laboratories.

Palliative care advocates, who recount stories of patients enduring excruciating cancer pain or dying in agony, have persuaded reluctant government officials to allow high-powered opioid painkillers into doctors’ offices and onto chemists’ shelves in this nation of 1.37 billion people.

But what began as a populist movement to bring inexpensive, Indian-made morphine to the diseased and dying poor has given rise to a pain management industry that promises countless new customers to American pharmaceutical companies facing a government crackdown and mounting lawsuits back home.

The lure of a pain-free life is a revelation in a country where incomes are rising for many city dwellers and 300 million to 400 million people are approaching the middle class. Like other markers of the country’s post-colonial sprint into modernity, newly minted pain doctors promise aspiring Indians that life has more to offer in a body free from pain, and foreign brands are worth the extra rupees.

Dr. G.P. Dureja performs a short procedure on a patient at the Delhi Pain Management Centre.

“Don’t listen to your forefathers,” Dureja said, a mantra for the shifting mindset. “They said you should tolerate pain, you should not complain, you should not take painkillers. Now, everybody wants a better quality of life, and everybody wants to get rid of pain early.”

As major pharmaceutical companies look to capitalize on the opportunity, the playbook unfolding in India seems eerily familiar. Earnest advocates share heartbreaking stories of suffering patients; physicians and pharmaceutical companies champion pain relief for cancer patients and persuade regulators to grant greater access to ever more powerful opioids; well-meaning pain doctors open clinics; shady pain clinics follow; and a spigot of prescription opioids opens — first addressing legitimate medical uses but soon spilling into the streets and onto the black market.

A looming deluge of addictive painkillers terrifies some Indian medical professionals, who are keenly aware that despite government regulations most drugs are available for petty cash at the chemist shops that occupy nearly every city block and village center.

“Are people going to figure out every trick in the game to make [opioid painkillers] widely available?” asked Dr. Bobby John, a leading Indian public health expert based in New Delhi. “Of course it will happen.”

Shops advertise their drug supplies along a busy street in Old Delhi, India.

‘The Market For Pain Is Good’

The headquarters of the Pain Clinic of India operates out of a closet-size office in Chembur, a tree-lined suburb in eastern Mumbai. The company’s presence on the internet is so prominent that Dr. Kailash Kothari, the clinic’s founder, has turned down requests from people in South Africa, Australia, Europe and the United States seeking prescription opioids.

Down an alleyway, the clinic’s small white-red-and-blue sign is difficult to spot. Around the side of a faded-pink building is a larger sign showing a shirtless, muscular white man gripping his back, another gripping his neck, another clutching his knee; a white woman with an excruciating headache presses her forehead and another grabs her shoulder. Back Pain. Neck Pain. Headache. Knee Pain. Shoulder Pain. Cancer Pain. The sign promises “Towards Pain Free Life.”

One of the principal architects of pain medicine in India, Kothari runs several clinics in Mumbai, consults at numerous hospitals and flies to his clinic in Goa once a week. He co-founded the Indian Academy of Pain, an educational branch of the Indian Society for the Study of Pain that aims to create standardized training for pain medicine, in part by offering qualifying exams to prospective physicians. “This program is going to change the scenery of what we have in pain management,” Kothari said.

Asserting control over who can call themselves a “pain medicine doctor” in this fledgling industry is an urgent question. Spread across the subcontinent are nearly 10 million licensed physicians and a massive number of untrained medical providers. (In rural India, 70% of health care providers have no formal medical training.)

A man carries boxes of medicine through the Bhagirath Palace pharmaceuticals market in Old Delhi, India.

“General practitioners have started prescribing these drugs,” Dureja said. “And we’re not educating the population on when to use and not to use.”

At Dureja’s clinics, as at most medical offices in India, patients pay cash for services and prescriptions. Delhi Pain Management charges $10 for a consultation; $10 for a Johnson & Johnson fentanyl patch; $10 for a Mundipharma buprenorphine patch. Dureja’s office takes a 15% cut of sales.

There are hints of American pharma’s fingerprints in a glass cabinet in the waiting room of his East Delhi clinic: awards from Johnson & Johnson honoring Dureja for symposia on pain management; a plaque for “his valuable contribution as a speaker” about tapentadol, an opioid marketed by Johnson & Johnson in 2009. The dispensing counter does a brisk business in Ultracet, branded tramadol tablets made by a Johnson & Johnson subsidiary.

Dureja’s training fellowships, like Kothari’s, are broadly considered on the level; but many others are shady, and none are regulated.

Each year, some 20 fellows attend Kothari’s three- to six-month training programs, and by his calculation, he has trained 150 aspiring pain doctors. “There are more than 50 people who already have their pain clinics in different parts of India,” he said. Of those clinics, five or six “are training people, and it’s a chain reaction, which is going to benefit pain management as a specialty.”

Kothari remembers when only a few hospitals in Mumbai treated cancer patients and had access to opioids. “But every year, we are accessing more of these kinds of drugs,” he said. “Many chemists, hospitals and medical shops started acquiring the licenses for keeping these drugs, and availability is much, much better. Opioids are available in not just oral, but injectable, patches, syrups.”

Most large Indian hospitals have added pain management as a specialty in recent years. At the insistence of the professional societies that accredit hospitals in India, Kothari said, nurses and doctors now are required to assess pain as a fifth vital sign, along with pulse, temperature, breathing and blood pressure.

The pharmaceutical industry has kept pace. Twenty years ago, only a few pharmaceutical companies marketed pain medicines in India, Kothari said. “Today, almost every company is having pain management as a separate division. In the last five years alone, I must have met more than 15 or 20 companies that have started separate pain management divisions.”

A salesman for Sun Pharma, India’s largest drugmaker by sales, echoed the point during an interview in Chandigarh, the capital of Punjab and Haryana. The market for pain medications “has totally changed” in the past five years, he said. He shifted nervously and agreed to speak frankly only if his name wasn’t published, for fear of losing his job.

“Now everyone has a car, and [they get] back pain, and now they take medication.” Growing obesity rates in India were also fueling demand, he said, as patients look for relief from weight-related knee and back pain. “So the market for pain is good.”

Abbott Laboratories and Johnson & Johnson did not respond to requests for comment for this report.

Manmohan Singh, a vice president at Modi-Mundipharma in New Delhi, said opioid pain medications are an important therapeutic option, especially for cancer pain. He also said company promotions stress that physicians should familiarize themselves with product safety information. “Patients should be made aware of the clear treatment goals related to pain and function, as well as the potential opioid side effects and the potential for misuse, abuse and addiction,” he said in a written statement.

A man buys medicine from a pharmacy shop at the Bhagirath Palace pharmaceuticals market in Old Delhi.

One False Step

The ascendance of pain management in India comes at a fortuitous political moment. Ahead of his reelection earlier this year, Prime Minister Narendra Modi invested heavily in health care. Last fall, the Indian government launched the world’s biggest public health insurance program, called Ayushman Bharat. Dubbed “Modicare,” it guarantees half a billion poor Indians nearly $7,000 in hospital expenses, paid to private insurers, and, by 2020, the government is to open 150,000 primary care centers. The government has set aside $484 million to fund Modi’s signature program.

None of this would have been possible without the loosening of India’s strict narcotics laws.

The International Narcotics Control Board, established in 1968, and the Narcotic Drugs and Psychotropic Substances Act of 1985 codified the bureaucratic thicket for any doctor who wanted to prescribe opioid painkillers. Physicians feared fines, jail sentences and losing their medical license if they skirted regulations. While the government granted licenses to Indian farmers to grow poppies, most of the morphine produced from the crops was exported.

Dr. M.R. Rajagopal was a young medical student in Thiruvananthapuram at the time and remembers a neighbor with advanced cancer. “I [had] seen him screaming his way over weeks to death,” Rajagopal said. “It was horrendous, and there was nothing being done about it.” He chose to become an anesthesiologist because it was the only specialty then focused on pain.

Rajagopal is widely viewed as the father of palliative care in India; whispers of a Nobel Prize follow him. For decades, he has worked assiduously to convince national and state lawmakers that opioid medicines are not an indulgence but a humane refuge, and it is largely a function of his advocacy that morphine and other painkillers can be prescribed in India. “Two generations of doctors had not seen a tablet of morphine,” he said.

A pharmacy in New Delhi stocks painkillers.

The Narcotic Drugs and Psychotropic Substances Act, as amended in 2014, recognized that the need for pain relief was “an important obligation of the government.” The revised law created a class of medicines called the “essential narcotic drugs” list, which includes morphine, fentanyl, methadone, oxycodone, codeine and hydrocodone.

Rajagopal’s days are filled with the tedious work of building a movement: speaking at colleges and public forums, penning editorials and medical papers about palliative care and overseeing Pallium India, a nonprofit medical center and training institute that is singularly focused on palliative care.

Pallium’s pharmacy is a testament to Rajagopal’s persistence. Drugs once banned now fill the shelves: fentanyl injections and patches, oral morphine and, most recently, methadone, approved for pain relief in 2018.

Rajagopal seems aware that one false step would invite the government to clamp down on the availability of opioids, reversing decades of his work. He does not advise using oxycodone or hydrocodone, though they are included on the “essential narcotic drugs” list, and he does not accept funding from pharmaceutical companies, instead putting his hand out to temple trustees and for donations from families cared for by Pallium’s home visiting teams.

But the pharmaceutical industry is a wily adversary. American activists made many of the same arguments decades ago as they sought relief for dying patients. Drugs now commonly prescribed for chronic pain first were approved for use by cancer patients. One of the first formulations of fentanyl, for example, was a lollipop because chemotherapy left cancer patients too nauseated to eat. In India, pain physicians now prescribe fentanyl patches to patients with chronic muscular pain.

Purdue Pharma’s international affiliate, Mundipharma, “is very good at co-opting regulators,” said Keith Humphreys, a professor of psychiatry at Stanford University. “As happened in the U.S., they are easily converted into useful idiots.”

Kaiser Health News is a nonprofit news service covering health issues. It is an editorially independent program of the Kaiser Family Foundation that is not affiliated with Kaiser Permanente.

Sure, You Know The Most Prestigious Law School, But Which Law School Is The Most Fun

According to Online Paralegal Program’s ranking of the 30 law schools with the most to do for fun, which law school takes the top spot as the most fun?

Hint: To come up with their ranking, they “looked at a broad range of law schools in diverse locations, offering either thriving social scenes or easy access to stunning natural scenery – or ideally both.”

See the answer on the next page.

Ray Dalio Is Losing Money Because Everyone Else Is Too Stupid To Realize That We’re In A Recession, Says Ray Dalio

The Wizard of the Westport Woods needs all you Najarian-watching morons to listen the f up.

Eight Affordable Ways for New Attorneys to Build a Professional Wardrobe

Happy August, new law grads! Whether you’re headed toward a clerkship, associateship, or your next big interview, it’s important to spruce up (or finally build?) your professional wardrobe. Whether your office is business-casual or closer to the camp that believes women need pantyhose, heels, and skirts only at trial, we’ve got you covered (well, minus the pantyhose.  It’s August.  In 2019).

Click through the slideshow for professional looks for everyone that won’t break the bank.  All individual pieces are less than $200 and can be paired with multiple other separates to maximize the mileage of each piece.

Republicans Snap Back At Democrats That Suggest Court Packing Is The Way Forward For The Supreme Court

The Democrats’ amicus brief demonstrates that their court-packing plans are more than mere pandering. They are a direct, immediate threat to the independence of the judiciary and the rights of all Americans.…

For our part, we promise this: While we remain Members of this body, the Democrats’ threat to ‘restructure’ the Court is an empty one. We share Justice Ginsburg’s view that ‘nine seems to be a good number.’ And it will remain that way as long as we are here.

— Senator Mitch McConnell and Senate Republicans responding to an amicus brief sent by Senator Sheldon Whitehouse (D. RI) along with five Democratic senators urging the Supreme Court not grant cert to “political ‘projects” like a case from New York challenging gun regulations. The Democratic letter went on to warn the Court that is may be “restructured in order to reduce the influence of politics” if such cases found their way to the Court’s docket.


headshotKathryn Rubino is a Senior Editor at Above the Law, and host of The Jabot podcast. AtL tipsters are the best, so please connect with her. Feel free to email her with any tips, questions, or comments and follow her on Twitter (@Kathryn1).

Brass Knuckles May Be Legal In Texas, ‘But They’re Still A Horrible Idea’

Having already legalized the open carry of swords to protect the state from dragons, Texas is going to let people arm themselves with brass knuckles at all times like they’re extras in a 30s mob movie. There’s no way adding a brutal melee weapon will come back to haunt a state with more than its fair share of drunken bar fights. Nope, no siree.

The state is also ending police harassment of children’s lemonade stands, a move that, coupled with the brass knuckles law, strongly suggests that the Texas legislature is driving hard for a constituency of pre-teens. It’s all part of a huge slate of new laws going into effect in Texas over the weekend that’s also ending the panopticon of red light cameras throughout the state and raising DWI fines.

Bryan Wilson, the Texas Law Hawk, offers a quick rundown of the highlights coming to Texas law in the way only he can — by taking a pair of brass knuckles and smashing the hell out of some stuff.

Dick pics are also criminalized now, so if you’re planning on doing some modern-day wooing you might want to take off your monogrammed brass knuckles first.

Earlier: Next Week, Swords Are Legal To Carry Down The Street In Texas