Advice Columnist Counsels Law Students As Only Someone With No Law School Experience Can

Generally speaking, newspaper advice columns do a good job of providing some solace to people facing difficult situations and looking for some genuine guidance to help guide them to the right decision.

Or maybe that’s the Horoscope?

Regardless, advice columnist Carolyn Hax recently got a question from a nervous law student and managed to respond with the sort of answer that may calm the nerves but manages to miss the wide-ranging crisis of legal education in this country. First, the question:

Dear Carolyn: I’m in my first week of law school, and I’m soooo nervous.
I honestly believed everyone when they warned me how difficult law school is and how much hard work it is, but somehow the severity of it didn’t really come alive for me until now, when I’m already in it. I’m FREAKING OUT. Any advice??

Is law school difficult? Sure. But the difficulty stems from the unfamiliar material and the struggle to keep everything straight at the end of the semester. If the workload seems hard in the first week then one of three things is true. One, if the problem is just the sheer amount of work, then your college did not prepare you adequately and this might not be a good match. Two, the work isn’t the problem and it’s that the answers aren’t immediately coming easily to you, in which case your college did not challenge you adequately and you need to learn to get some perspective on what real learning is or this might not be a good match. Three, you’re neurotic and need to chill out fast or this whole profession might not be a good match.

Everyone who warned you was right, now you know, and presumably most if not all of everyone-who-warned-you got through it. Right?

Putting aside the “look to your right, look to your left” phenomenon, what are those people who got through it doing these days? If they’re buried under debt and barely scraping by, did they really get through it?

So, barring the unforeseen, you will get through it, too.
Remind yourself this is not your unique terror for which you are ill-equipped, but instead your turn through a tough obstacle course through which others have passed and through which you were deemed qualified to pass. Widen your view.

No, remind yourself that it’s your turn through a tough obstacle course which you were deemed to have enough access to tuition dollars to prop up some dean’s salary. Even with the selection of good law schools, your selection likely had more to do with your LSAT score which is, in fact, an indicator of legal aptitude, but has nothing to do with one’s capacity to handle the workload. It’s the equivalent of getting an NBA tryout based solely on being 7 feet tall.

And, remember the strategy for getting through anything difficult: Break it down into small pieces and work at it steadily.

Breaking things down into small pieces is a key analytical skill, though drawing connections from a wide body of data is also pretty important and more in line with what the school is looking for. The 75 page reading assignment for today comprises a number of cases that the professor wants to see students bring together to draw comparisons and distinctions from a line of cases involving similar themes. Reading it in chunks misses the point.

Thankfully, what makes Hax better than most advice columnists is her willingness to bring in people with expertise to help out. A former law student chimes in to say that the unfamiliarity with the whole “thinking like a lawyer” thing will fade over time, which is true.

As a law librarian, I would like to add: Seek help from the reference librarians when you need research assistance. Law school involves a lot of research, much of which can be overwhelming to newbies. We know which resources are going to be useful for your topic, and we love providing assistance.

The term “law librarian” probably needs to be tossed in the dumpster, because these days they really aren’t about keeping a library as much as they are tech gurus who can navigate the limitless knowledge of the digital world. “Librarians” kept knowledge in ordered locations so users could find it. The people with that title today don’t keep or order anything, they craft the searches that help people find the information out there where it lives. But, yes, law librarians will be helpful with those later in school chores. Probably not week one readings though.

Finally, a lawyer offers that this student should study 40 hours a week which is probably excessive and only feeding the neuroses of any student obsessing over how the answers aren’t coming easily enough, but counters that a bit by offering this great advice:

And don’t let the competition and peer pressure make you work harder or longer than you need to. You’ll pick up how you learn pretty quickly if you don’t know already.

While it’s probably unfortunate that they chose to enter an environment built entirely around competition from the grading curve to the journal selection to clerkships to jobs, this is still sound advice. Most of the time law students aren’t competing with other law students but their own mythology of what the other students know. Just do what you need to for your own understanding.

No, wait, I remember! The part of the newspaper with genuine guidance that helps guide people to the right decision is the Contract Bridge column. My mistake.

A Freaked Out Law Student’s Plea For Help [Washington Post]

Partnering Up Is Better Than Practicing Solo

As mentioned in a few prior articles, I took the plunge and opened my own law firm about six months ago.  At the time, I was happy to begin my own shop as a solo practitioner.  I liked the control of operating as a solo, and it was also great to keep all of the profits my firm generated.  However, I recently decided to partner up with one of my brothers, and so far, the experience has been extremely positive.  For a number of reasons, partnering up with another lawyer can be much better than practicing solo.

The main advantage of partnering with another attorney is that having a partner allows each lawyer to share the burdens of running a practice.  Managing a law firm is not easy.  Tasks need to be completed on a daily basis, and you constantly need to fulfill administrative as well as client-related obligations.  When I operated as a solo, I never felt like I could go on a vacation or take a break, since there would be no one left to mind the store.  Now that I have partnered with my brother, someone is always around to complete the tasks that all law firms need to accomplish, and I have more flexibility.

In addition, partnering up with another lawyer improves how an attorney can provide services to a client.  When I was a solo, there were times that I was slammed with work, and other times when I had little to do.  Since I only had a limited amount of bandwidth when I was busy, this could impact the quality of the services I provided.  Now that I have a partner, we can each share some of the work when we are busy, and focus on providing the highest quality of legal services.

Partnering up with another lawyer also increases the breadth of services you can provide to clients, which can make it more efficient for clients to hire your firm.  For instance, I almost exclusively perform litigation work while my brother almost exclusively works on transactional matters.  Now that we’ve partnered up, a client can use our firm for more services, and this can save a client time and money.  Partnering with another lawyer can also make you feel more confident about handling legal matters.  For example, within a month after starting my firm, while I was still getting a lot of my systems off the ground, I began working on a matter involving a large law firm.  Things got ugly, and I ended up in tense negotiations to settle a matter.  I’m not going to lie, it was a little intimidating being a newly-established solo against this large shop.  However, because my brother joined my firm, our clients now have the Roth”men” on their side.  As a result, I never have to feel like I’m alone in handling a legal issue, and this has had a positive impact on my psyche.

In addition, partnering with other lawyers also means that there are more people to split a firm’s overhead.  When I operated a solo practice, I was exclusively responsible for all of my expenses, and as a result, I operated the firm on a shoe-string budget.  I did not feel justified purchasing expensive equipment or subscriptions to helpful services, because I would have to eat the cost myself and the expense was not worth the benefit.  However, after partnering with my brother, we have been sharing expenses.  This has allowed us to increase the amount of support services that we have available, which permits us to focus more on practicing law.  As I have seen firsthand, solo practitioners can get pinched financially, and this may be less likely to happen after partnering up.

Another benefit of partnering with another attorney is that there is always someone to talk to when strategizing on a legal matter.  As many attorneys are probably aware, it often pays to confer with colleagues about legal issues, since they might suggest strategies and arguments that may not be obvious to a solo practitioner with one perspective on a case.  However, when speaking to friends or colleagues at another firm, it might be difficult to convey all of the facts of a matter, and those attorneys might not be as invested in providing the most thorough analysis of an issue. However, having a partner allows attorneys to strategize with another practitioner who is able to hear all of the relevant facts of a matter.

Of course, it is important to select the right partner when deciding to move beyond solo practice.  As the Cellino and Barnes breakup demonstrates, law firm partnerships are not always made to last.  Conflicts invariably arise among partners, and you need to partner with people with whom you can have frank conversations without getting overly frustrated or offended.  Of course, partnership is always a give and take, and you might not have as much control, or be entitled to as much of the profits, as you were if you practiced solo.

However, if you choose the right partner, forming a partnership can be much better than practicing as a solo attorney.  Partnering up usually allows lawyers to share resources and work on matters more efficiently than they could be if they practiced alone.


Jordan Rothman is a partner of The Rothman Law Firm, a full-service New Jersey and New York law firm. He is also the founder of Student Debt Diaries, a website discussing how he paid off his student loans. You can reach Jordan through email at jordan@rothmanlawyer.com.

The Top Law Schools For Music Law (2019)

Representing emerging and celebrity musicians and music industry companies is likely to catapult your name into the news and turn your business into a household topic of conversation. Maybe that’s one of the many reasons why you’re so interested in pursuing a career in music law. Attorneys who practice in the field of music law have worked with some of the most celebrated — and sometimes reviled — recording artists in the country (or the world), and that’s exactly the kind of career experience you envision for yourself.

If you’re still deciding where to go to law school and you’re dreaming of someday practicing law with music’s brightest stars as your clients, perhaps it’s time to take a look at Billboard’s latest law school rankings.

Billboard’s ranking is based on the number of accomplished music attorneys that have graduated from each law school. Billboard has ranked the top 15 law schools alphabetically. We’ll provide our readers with a look at the first seven law schools here at Above the Law. Click here to see the full list.

So, which schools made the cut? You might be surprised.

BENJAMIN N. CARDOZO SCHOOL OF LAW
Enrollment: 1,051
The best thing about my law school was: “Cardozo recognized the value of an entertainment law program early on.” – Michael Reinert, Fox Rothschild

BROOKLYN LAW SCHOOL
Enrollment: 949
The best thing about my law school was: “The way they had professors teaching the courses was all geared specifically for the bar exam.” – Paul Schindler, Greenberg Traurig

COLUMBIA LAW SCHOOL
Enrollment: 1,268
The best thing about my law school was:  “The alumni network. I am the vp of the alumni association and co-chairing my reunion.” Wade Leak, Sony Music Entertainment

FORDHAM LAW SCHOOL
Enrollment: 1,269
The best thing about my law school was: “I was expecting law school to be brutal, and it was not easy. But it was a very nurturing and supportive place.” – Ilene Farkas, Pryor Cashman

GEORGETOWN LAW
Enrollment: 2,694
The best thing about my law school was: “I had the unique opportunity to go to a top-level law school and coach underclass lacrosse — a personal passion.” – Shawn Trell, AEG Presents

HARVARD LAW SCHOOL
Enrollment: 1,990
The best thing about my law school was: “Being incredibly intellectually challenged and learning how to think in a very critical, logical and strategic way.” – Donald Passman, Gang Tyre Ramer Brown & Passman

LOYOLA LAW SCHOOL
Enrollment: 1,058
The best thing about my law school was: “Only having to take torts once. I passed torts the first time I tried.” – Zia Modabber, Katten Muchin Rosenman

While it certainly helps to go to a top-ranked law school to represent the members of the music industry elite, going to a law school in New York or California seems to be even more helpful. If you’re interested in music law, you should know that it’s a relatively tough field to get into, and it may take you quite some time to reach the peak of your career — or, you could get really lucky.

Either way, choosing the right law school is just the first step, and we wish you the best of luck. Maybe someday you’ll get to represent your favorite musician.

Revealed: Billboard’s 2019 Top Music Lawyers Led by BTS Counsel Debbie White of Loeb & Loeb [Billboard]


Staci ZaretskyStaci Zaretsky is a senior editor at Above the Law, where she’s worked since 2011. She’d love to hear from you, so please feel free to email her with any tips, questions, comments, or critiques. You can follow her on Twitter or connect with her on LinkedIn.

Morning Docket: 09.04.19

* Just in case no one saw this one coming, LeClairRyan has filed for bankruptcy. The firm owes $15 million to two secured creditors. [American Lawyer]

* Like it or not, the next recession is coming: Some law firms will struggle more than others, and “once this party ends, its going to end very quickly and it’s going to end very severely.” [Big Law Business]

* What’s wrong with the bar exam? This is what the National Conference of Bar Examiners’ Testing Task Force is taking its sweet time trying to figure out. [Law.com]

* Law school classes come in all sizes, but you may want to think about how yours will affect the attention you’ll receive, your social life, your networking opportunities, and most importantly, your ranking. [Law Admissions Lowdown / U.S. News]

* Thank u, next? Pop star Ariana Grande has filed a $10 million lawsuit against Forever 21 after the store allegedly hired a look-alike model for a social media campaign, rather than Grande herself. [THR, Esq. / Hollywood Reporter]


Staci ZaretskyStaci Zaretsky is a senior editor at Above the Law, where she’s worked since 2011. She’d love to hear from you, so please feel free to email her with any tips, questions, comments, or critiques. You can follow her on Twitter or connect with her on LinkedIn.

The new deception: What has changed? – The Zimbabwean

4.9.2019 10:32

A Baseline Study on the Record of the Zimbabwe’s ‘New Dispensation’ in Upholding Human Rights

INTRODUCTION
The Zimbabwe Human Rights NGO Forum, the “Human Rights Forum”, was formed in response to
a food riots human rights crisis in 1998, and in the 20 years since, it has been in the forefront of
reporting on human rights violations.

Read full report: The-New-Deception_What-has-changed

Zimbabwe Shows Africa Can Tackle Corruption

Post published in: Featured

Zimbabwe Shows Africa Can Tackle Corruption – The Zimbabwean

Justice Loice Matanda-Moyo is a soft-spoken legal scholar. Yet she now finds herself one of the most feared anti-corruption crusaders in Africa. Zimbabwe, a country plagued by rampant corruption for decades, has taken its war on corruption to new levels, and Justice Moyo is leading the charge.

Just over a month into her new role as chairperson of the Zimbabwe Anti-Corruption Commission (ZACC), Justice Moyo isn’t pulling her punches, with the arrests of former Vice President Phelekezela Mphoko and the Minister of Environment, Tourism and Hospitality, Prisca Mupfumira.

Despite being in the president’s cabinet, Mupfumira found her ministerial position mattered little as she was dragged to court on corruption charges involving $95 million from the state pension fund.

Mupfumira faces charges of “criminal abuse of duty as a public officer”.  Charges include the taking of unauthorized loans from the pension fund to buy a luxury vehicle and to fund her political campaign.

But Justice Moyo was not satisfied with merely the arrest of the minister. Her team also arrested the permanent secretary in the environment ministry, Munesu Munodawafa, as well as the former director of state residences, Douglas Tapfuma.

Under former president Robert Mugabe, Zimbabwe became a hotbed of corruption. The ZACC, created during this era, was both toothless and ineffective. Staff still talk about the threatening phone calls they would receive if any powerful people were investigated. The message was clear: no high-profile cases should be opened.

But all that changed with the election of President Emmerson Mnangagwa in 2018, with his government making the fight against corruption a priority. When he took over at the helm, Mnangagwa declared a “zero tolerance” policy towards corruption and described the ZACC as “rotten to the core.”

The new president and his team thus decided to reform and revamp the anti-graft body in February, selecting new faces and giving it independent powers. Importantly, the new ZACC was to be bipartisan, with nine commissioners drawn from both the ruling Zanu-PF and opposition MDC, as well as from civil society.

So when the Mnangagwa government was looking for the right person to head the reformed agency, he turned to Justice Moyo, a High Court judge who clashed repeatedly with the Mugabe government. As a young prosecutor in 2004 she had even been arrested for standing up for justice. She has now been seconded to ZACC to lead an agency that is poised to serve as an example for the Southern African Development Community (SADC) and the continent.

From her office in Harare, Justice Moyo is overseeing more than 200 investigations of corruption. Her team of 61 investigators have been specially selected and vetted to ensure they are professional and impartial.

ZACC has five different centers across Zimbabwe to ensure that its investigations are carried out quickly across the country without bureaucratic delay.

What is key is that ZACC has the kind of political support that other agencies in Africa can only dream of. The Zimbabwean government has recently given ZACC arresting powers to prevent police leaks from tipping off powerful offenders. It is amending the Money Laundering and Proceeds of Crime Act to include Unexplained Wealth orders, which will make recoveries of ill-gotten wealth much easier. Furthermore, the government is in the process of crafting new legislation that protects whistle-blowers and witnesses in corruption cases.

These are bold steps forward for Zimbabwe that are making the rest of Africa sit up and take notice. It shows what a determined government is capable of, by creating institutions and empowering key people to clean up corruption.

And international cooperation is crucial. Recently the EU and the UK joined with President Mnangagwa to launch a nationwide campaign against corruption at all levels.  ZACC is already looking to sign MOUs with neighboring countries, first with Botswana, and then possibly with Zambia. According to Justice Moyo, corruption in southern Africa is not a national problem, it’s a regional one. With fuel smuggling, for instance, corruption often transcends national boundaries. This means that the anti-graft agencies of SADC member states must cooperate to tackle the problem.

Corruption of course is neither a uniquely Zimbabwean problem, nor an African one. However, to defeat it requires political will, bipartisan support, and judicial independence. Most importantly, it requires leadership.  Zimbabwe’s battle against corruption has just begun. But it has all the elements to succeed and serve as a template for the continent of Africa and beyond.

The views expressed in this article are those of the author alone and do not necessarily reflect Geopoliticalmonitor.com or any institutions with which the author is associated.

South Africa and Zimbabwe seek to strengthen defence ties – The Zimbabwean

A parade was staged by Yam at the SA Army College on 2 September to formally welcome Chimonyo. The week-long visit is underway to maintain strong military relations between the two armies as well as to deliberate on army-to-army issues of interest in light of the recent appointment of Chimonyo as commander of the ZNA.

“Come my brother, let us sit in a bit of a relaxed environment and let us ponder on how do we respond to the challenges of the two landward forces”, stated Yam in his introductory statement. Yam said that reasons for the visit such as this are firstly, “That the two militaries have an obligation to ensure that they constantly understand their space and interaction” and secondly is that Yam believes that military cooperation means nothing unless it leads to a space for the stabilisation of economic prosperity.

In the wake of cyclone Idai, South Africa has been assisting Zimbabwe in building Bailey bridges over flood-ravaged rivers and according to Yam, there are currently 180 SA soldiers deployed to Zimbabwe for its construction. Yam states, “It was more of an intervention for the floods”, referring to the floods that Cyclone Idai caused on 15 and 16 March 2019.

Border security is a challenge that the two armies have been addressing for a number of years. Chimonyo said that primarily the two countries are doing patrols, having meetings and are strategising. “But you need to appreciate, human beings are very difficult. As much as we do our patrols, you’ll find others escape”. The two chiefs expressed their concern over borders security issues such as illegal immigration and drug trafficking and emphasised that it is not just the border between the two countries they need to be concerned about. “These [border issues] are also coming from the Great Lakes region and Somalia, coming down south” stated Chimonyo. “Actually they are coming from all over the world right now,” added Yam, who went on to say that it is high educated, young Zimbabweans heading south of their border that the Zimbabwean government is now worried about. Chimonyo also added that with Zimbabwe being under sanctions, there is a concern of their people fleeing for South Africa.

In speaking further on mutual cooperation, Yam identified that the sanctions currently on Zimbabwe do pose limitations on the cooperation of the two countries’ land forces. However, developments between Armscor and Zimbabwe are what Yam calls an “urgency”. Yam believes there is an argument to be made for Armscor and Zimbabwe to look into certain engineering aspects as well as co-research capabilities, “which may translate into co-production, but it’s too early [to tell] at this stage.”

In speaking on military training between the two armies, Chimonyo stated that this has been going on since 1994. “That has been going on for a long time but I still believe more can be done by our two countries.”

“The numbers differ every year. It depends on budget that determines how many get sent this side and that side but it is something that must never stop,” stated Yam. Yam went onto to comment on the importance of youth within the two countries militaries being acquainted. “We have realised, as military people and particularly as us, in Zimbabwe, that if you are going to talk of government to government cooperation, you need the junior and young officers to start training together, to be on the same name sake with each other. If you do that, you are doing it for stability for the next 30 years.”

At the conclusion of the media briefing  Yam hosted on Monday, he made a point of thanking the Zimbabwean National Army for the help it gave to South African Army members in the push against insurgence groups in the DRC. “That was a major, major land mission with the possible closure of our consul there. Moving by road, Zimbabwe, Zambia, moving to DRC and back – that is when I really knew that this brotherhood works,” Yam said.

Zimbabwe Shows Africa Can Tackle Corruption
Zimbabwe’s addiction to borrowing continues – as inflation rises

Post published in: Featured

Zimbabwe’s addiction to borrowing continues – as inflation rises – The Zimbabwean

Stephen Chan, SOAS, University of London

Zimbabwe now faces a second major descent into inflation and economic despair in the space of 12 years.

The first, in 2008, involved almost metaphysical rates of inflation – 231m% at one point that year according to some reports, with other estimates even higher.

The crisis resulted in hugely controversial elections, which the opposition surely won – but which saw Robert Mugabe re-installed as president in a power-sharing deal with the opposition. To stabilise the economy, the worthless Zimbabwean dollar was jettisoned and people were given the option of using a basket of foreign currencies, the US dollar chief among them. The problem was then how to source US dollars – and this was done largely by borrowing.

Fast forward to 2019, nearly two years after Mugabe was ousted and Emmerson Mnangagwa installed as president – Zimbabwe’s annual inflation is officially 176%, the highest in the world after Venezuela.

But this official figure is almost certainly false. My own calculations, based on prices I observed during the 2018 Zimbabwean elections and reports from Zimbabwean friends now, estimate inflation at about 600%. And this is within what remains of the formal economy. Recourse to the black market to secure goods such as fuel and bread unavailable elsewhere means a parallel inflation rate that is higher – by my calculations, at about 800%. And now the publication of inflation data has now been suspended for six months.

The government’s inability to pay for electricity imports has meant power outages of up to 18 hours each day. This is in part a result of poor rains and low water levels in Lake Kariba, the source of a huge percentage of the nation’s hydro-electricity – amid reports that it might be altogether decommissioned. Even if this is not the case, the turbines at Kariba are far from being in good shape and, even in seasons of abundant rain, Zimbabwe had to depend on electricity supplies from South Africa and Mozambique. These countries now want to be paid.

Mnangagwa’s almost desperate slogan for Zimbabwe is that it is now “open for business”. But the elections of 2018 that were meant to legitimise his presidency were marred by violence and deaths and no election observer group validated the polls as fully free and fair. Under those conditions, initial promises of foreign investors faded away.

Dollars began to dry up, sourcing new dollars became impossible, and the new technocratic minister of finance, Mthuli Ncube, began desperate but hugely orthodox measures to instil some discipline in a runaway economy. Those who were rich and powerful declined to make sacrifices of their own, while those who were poor simply got poorer.

Tight control

Almost a year into the job, Ncube has reined in some of the profligacy in state spending and managed to bring in an increase in tax revenue. But his tax measures have been hugely unpopular, with poorer business people seeing them as disincentives to invest in future productivity.

One of his hugely unpopular early measures was to tax cell phone financial transactions. At a stroke, this jeopardised what was beginning to become a thriving cyber economy. It seems Ncube feels a need to deal only with concrete transactions in a hard currency, however valueless, that he and the government can try to control.

In June, he introduced a new Zimbabwean dollar, outlawing the use of the US dollar. This has already led to a rapid erosion of spending power, with the new currency trading at almost ten to one US dollar. He has defended his decision, although his critics remain many.

With the lack of incentives to small businesses that bridge the formal and informal economies, a huge number of families depend on salaries earned by public servants. There are about 400,000 civil servants in Zimbabwe. Given the lack of real value in the Zimbabwean dollar, they probably live on less than US$2.00 a day. They and their families, not to mention the network of relatives in the extended family, cannot survive on that.

Ncube’s fixation with control shows the dead hand of a government that has run out of ideas and, above all, trust in entrepreneurial initiative and self-creation. Nevertheless, it wishes to have control of all it surveys, even as this diminishes before its own eyes

Ncube’s astounding plan

According to an interview with Bloomberg in mid-August, Ncube said he hopes to establish a nine-member monetary policy committee that will reduce interest rates from 50%. Within 12 to 18 months, Zimbabwe plans to sell domestic bonds with a duration of as long as 30 years to fund infrastructure investment. In time, it will approach international markets, he said. How exactly any of this is to be done is yet to be explained.

Hanging over all this is the size of the debt that Zimbabwe needs to repay before investors will consider the country a viable risk for new loan liquidity. Estimates for this figure range from US$9 billion to as much as $US30 billion.

Under a debt-settlement plan, which Ncube maintains he is discussing with creditors, Zimbabwe would complete an International Monetary Fund (IMF) staff-monitored programme in January 2020. He told Bloomberg that Zimbabwe would then borrow the $1.9 billion it owes the World Bank and the African Development Bank (AfDB) from the G7 group of industrialised nations. This would allow it to win $1 billion in debt relief from the World Bank and AfDB, which it would pay back to the G7.

But this is an astonishing strategy. It is based on the ability, and credibility, to borrow money to repay money. And there is absolutely no indication that the G7 would loan significant sums to Zimbabwe until both economic and, above all, political reforms are instituted.

Whether Zimbabwe could complete the IMF staff-monitored programme by January is a huge question in itself. The IMF conditions are not easy ones.

Having got this far, Ncube has no choice but to hope that his policies will work. He inherited a mess of gigantic proportions. It was as if the ZANU-PF ruling party, the government, and the oligarchic ruling class thought the free lunch could go on forever. Someone would always loan it more money.

Ncube realised that this could not any longer be the case. But his solution seems to be simply a new way to borrow more money. The first terrible truth is that it is not Zimbabwean money that will save Zimbabwe. The second terrible truth is that Zimbabwe’s economy may not, for some time, be saved.

Stephen Chan, Professor of World Politics, SOAS, University of London

This article is republished from The Conversation under a Creative Commons license. Read the original article.

South Africa and Zimbabwe seek to strengthen defence ties
Discontent swells in Zimbabwe amid crackdown, economic woes

Post published in: Business

Discontent swells in Zimbabwe amid crackdown, economic woes – The Zimbabwean

Protesters flee teargas during clashes after police banned planned rallies over austerity and rising living costs called by the opposition in Harare, Zimbabwe, on August 16 [Philimon Bulawayo/Reuters]

Harare, Zimbabwe – Emmerson Mnangagwawanted a clean break from his predecessor’s past.

Whereas Robert Mugabe, who ruled Zimbabwe for 37 years, would contravene the West diplomatically, President Mnangagwa wanted to engage. And contrary to Mugabe’s strategy of barring investors, Mnangagwa said he was open for business.

At home, when he was officially sworn into office last year following a coup to remove Mugabe, he was welcomed as the leader Zimbabwe needed, and on the diplomatic front, he was the darling of Western diplomats – a pragmatic and progressive reformer.

But almost two years on from the removal of Mugabe, the landscape from both fronts is viewed differently amid an apparent crackdown on dissent and an economy that remains weak.

On August 16 this year, anti-riot police crushed a demonstration, injuring several protesters.

Earlier, in January, more than 16 people were killed when soldiers opened fire on protesters in the aftermath of a 150 percent fuel price increase.

Several others were injured.

Last year in August, soldiers shot and killed six other opposition-supporting protesters.

In this photo from August 10, 2015, Robert Mugabe, right, greets Emmerson Mnangagwa as he arrives for Zimbabwe’s Heroes Day commemorations in Harare [Philimon Bulawayo/Reuters]

With inflation at 200 percent in June, high living costs, stagnant salaries and 90 percentunemployment, discontent against Mnangagwa’s government is rising.

“I am very unhappy with the state of affairs in the country. Life is very hard now. We want the problems solved,” said Priscah Katema, a Harare resident who does odd jobs to supplement her husband’s income.

Some observers have described Mnangagwa as being “worse” than his former mentor Mugabe, but Ibbo Mandaza, a political science academic and former government adviser, said this perspective was limited.

“The argument that Mnangagwa is worse than Mugabe is purely academic,” he told Al Jazeera. “This is because there should not be any distinction between the two. Mnangagwa was always at the centre of the security apparatus that enabled Mugabe to do all the things he did.”

After the recent anti-government protests, the European Union, which earlier threw its support behind Mnangagwa’s reforms, sent a warning.

In a joint statement, the heads of mission for France, Germany, Greece, the Netherlands, Romania, Sweden, UK, Australia, Canada and the United States, said the “intimidation, harassment and physical attacks on human rights defenders, trade union and civil society representatives and opposition politicians – prior to, during and following the demonstration in Harare on August 16 – are cause for great concern.”

In defiance reminiscent of the Mugabe era, Nick Mangwana, information secretary and presidential spokesperson, said the EU statement undermined civilian authority and promoted anarchy.

“The government is taken aback by the intrusive and judgmental tone of the statement. The statement fails to acknowledge that the Zimbabwean High Court spoke on the issue, which rendered any action taken contrary to that judgment illegal,” he said in a statement.

What we have witnessed in Zimbabwe since President Emmerson Mnangagwa took power is a ruthless attack on human rights.

MULEYA MWANANYANDA, AMNESTY INTERNATIONAL’S DEPUTY DIRECTOR FOR SOUTHERN AFRICA

Meanwhile, rights groups including Amnesty International have called on Zimbabwe to protect its citizens, describing a “systematic and brutal crackdown”.

“What we have witnessed in Zimbabwe since President Emmerson Mnangagwa took power is a ruthless attack on human rights, with the rights to freedom of expression, peaceful assembly and association increasingly restricted and criminalised,” said Muleya Mwananyanda, Amnesty International’s deputy director for Southern Africa.

Stephen Chuma, spokesman of the Opposition MDC Alliance Youth Assembly National, said the government’s actions make Zimbabwe look like a military state.

“Blocking the people’s constitutional right to demonstrate can only aid in further exposing this regime and also buttressing our position that Emmerson Mnangagwa has turned the country into a fully-fledged military state that does not respect people’s fundamental rights,” said Chuma.

By the time of publishing, Mnangagwa had not responded to Al Jazeera’s request for comment.

Unperturbed by the diplomatic attacks, the 76-year-old president has accelerated a clampdown on opposition leaders and perceived enemies of the state.

Zimbabwe Fuel Prices 2

Buses in Harare queue to fill up before Zimbabwean fuel prices rise again [File: Chris Murzoni/Al Jazeera]

Opposition activists Blessing Kanotunga, MDC Youth chairperson, and Citizens Manifesto’s Tatenda Mombeyarara were abducted and assaulted last month in advance of protests, before being dumped back on the streets of Harare.

In the same period, MDC Youth Assembly National Vice Chairperson Cecilia Chimbiri was called in by the CID while Pride Mkono, a pro-democracy campaigner, was also detained and charged with attempting to subvert a constitutional government.

MDC national organising secretary Amos Chibaya was detained for failing to comply with a ban on demonstrations, and Leopold Munhende, a journalist with an online publication, was recently arrested in Harare.

Human rights lawyer Doug Coltart was also held and assaulted for filming the arrest of trade unionists, and spent a night in jail.

Even comedians have not been spared.

Armed and masked men forcefully entered the house of popular comic Samantha Kureya, known by her stage name “Gonyeti”, and abducted her.

She was reportedly driven to an unknown area and assaulted for her satirical jokes that poke fun at authorities.

But despite the threats, the opposition has refused to stop protesting, Chuma said.

“By closing the democratic space, the government is creating its own enemy,” he said.

Mnangagwa’s term comes to an end in 2023.

Mandaza, the political science academic, believes it is unlikely he will stand in power until then.

“The killings of the August 1, 2018, the stolen elections, the January killings this year, assaults on protesters, and abductions are indicative of regimes that have become very vulnerable and fragile,” he said. “They now rely on sheer force after they lost the social and political base.”