What To Do At Legalweek 2020

Legalweek is two weeks away and there’s plenty of things to do for people interested in legal technology.

For the unenlightened, Legalweek is American Lawyer Media’s annual conference devoted to everything related to legal technology. It used to be called simply Legaltech, but now it has morphed into three conferences in one week: Legaltech, LegalCIO and Legal Business Strategy.

Legalweek brings together legal professionals, law firm and corporate leaders and technologists from around the world to explore the use of technology in the business of law. According to their website, Legalweek has 8,000 registered attendees and more than 300 speakers from 36 countries. It is by far the largest legal technology conference of the year. So, if you’re in town the week of February 3, make your way to the Hilton Hotel on 6th Avenue and 54th Street. Explore registration options here.

Pre-Conference Workshops

Things get off to a roaring start on Monday, February 3, with several pre-conference workshops, including an AI Bootcamp, a workshop on Cloud Systems, and a workshop on Legal Project Management (full disclosure: I am closing out the LPM workshop at 3:00 pm on Monday).

Legaltech

The Legaltech agenda includes something for everyone. There are 42 sessions starting on Tuesday, February 4, at 10:00 am, following opening remarks and a keynote by a certain former US Deputy Attorney General. The sessions range from legal automation to e-discovery, AI and analytics. There’s a legal operations track, an information governance track by Consilio, a data privacy track from Relativity and an E-Discovery and AI track from OpenText. ARMA is presenting several IG sessions, and our friends at ILTA have a track of sessions as well on Tuesday, including one entitled “Women Who Lead in Technology.”

LegalCIO

The LegalCIO sessions also kick off on Tuesday and include topics geared toward the CIOs who might be interested in managing technological change, the use of AI, blockchain and cybersecurity threats, as well as the regulatory schemes in privacy that are on the rise.

Legal Business Strategy

For those more interested in the business of law firm and legal operations, the Legal Business Strategy sessions are focused on marketing and business development, law firm strategy and talent advancement strategies. The Business Strategy segment culminates in a session that brings together stakeholders from each of the tracks to discuss modernizing the delivery of legal services in 2020 and beyond.

Networking Events

And I probably don’t need to mention the dozens of networking and social events that will take place each evening. It’s impossible to make it to every event, but I have tried it several times. Some of the highlights for me will be Zapproved’s Corporate E-Discovery Hero Awards Dinner, which is held on Monday night. On Tuesday, I recommend the Consilio event at The Rainbow Room. And Wednesday, the Association of Certified E-Discovery Specialists (ACEDS) is hosting a cocktail hour at 48 Lounge (again, more full disclosure: I am the president of ACEDS). There are tons of other evening events as well.

For me, Legalweek has become a part of life in legal technology. I cannot remember a time when it did not exist, and I’ve been in this business for 20 years. So, whether you’re looking for the latest software, a new service provider, or just want to meet and network with your peers, Legalweek is the place to be February 3 through 5.


Mike Quartararo

Mike Quartararo is the President of the Association of Certified E-Discovery Specialists (ACEDS), a professional member association providing training and certification in e-discovery. He is also the author of the 2016 book Project Management in Electronic Discovery and a consultant providing e-discovery, project management and legal technology advisory and training services to law firms and Fortune 500 corporations across the globe. You can reach him via email at mquartararo@aceds.org. Follow him on Twitter @mikequartararo.

How Is Biglaw *Really* Doing On Mental Health Issues?

After years — hell, generations — of ignoring mental health issues in Biglaw, it looks like the industry has finally turned a corner. It’s not like they’ve solved the problem, far from it, but it’s at least a part of the conversation now.

There’s been a proliferation of programs and pledges all designed to encourage lawyers to take care of themselves and their mental health issues. Given the stigma mental health has long had in the legal industry, these are all great steps headed in the right direction.

But we have to wonder, while firms are certainly saying the right things about mental health, what’s it really like on the inside. We recently had a tipster come forward with stories of a Biglaw firm that says they care about mental health, but on the ground fall far short of such lofty goals:

One [Biglaw firm] in particular that signed onto the ABAs pledge to do better in [mental heath] and has moved forward with an initiative (that of course is well marketed all over the legal periodicals), yet still keeps on at least 1 partner who verbally abuses staff and attorneys on a routine basis. Attrition under this person is common as a result of burn out anxiety stress inability to balance work life etc. No surprise, the partner particularly targets and polarizes women. The most senior levels of the firm know of this issue yet do nothing.

So take our poll, and let us know — how are Biglaw firms really doing when it comes to mental health?

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headshotKathryn Rubino is a Senior Editor at Above the Law, and host of The Jabot podcast. AtL tipsters are the best, so please connect with her. Feel free to email her with any tips, questions, or comments and follow her on Twitter (@Kathryn1).

Donald Trump Casually Accuses Ken Griffin Of Hiding Money For Standing Him Up

The Distortion Surrounding Espinoza v. Montana Has Reached Biblical Proportions

Unless you are living under a rock, you are probably aware that religion is experiencing a rapid decline in the United States, including in economic power. In order to counter ever-decreasing budgets, many churches have begun to seek financial support from the government, often in the form of direct cash grants. This situation has resulted in many high-profile legal challenges, such as in Espinoza v. Montana Department of Revenue, set for oral argument this week, to determine whether state funding mechanisms can be utilized to fund religious instruction. The Espinoza case comes to the U.S. Supreme Court after the Montana Supreme Court upheld the denial of state funds to religious schools as a valid exercise of the state right to enact “no aid” provisions that are “broader and stronger than the First Amendment prohibition.” Put simply, Montana is arguing that if it wants to expand and strengthen the First Amendment’s Establishment Clause with its own state specific statute, the Supreme Court has said that they can.

Those arguing to overturn the Montana Supreme Court decision focus their argument on the fact that Montana’s no aid provision is a byproduct of the prejudiced Blaine Amendment framework of the past. For any who are not aware, the Blaine Amendment framework was a bigoted state system that forced Protestant Bible reading and prayer in public schools and was only overturned once the First Amendment federal standard was incorporated to the states. Accordingly, the Petitioners in the Espinoza case are correct in pointing out that the Blaine Amendment framework, including its “no aid” provisions, were not intended to separate church and state. In fact, in the Blaine context where you have a state system of Protestant religious establishment in public schools, the only conceivable function of denials of government aid to all other religious schools, is to maintain the Protestant establishment as the only form of establishment.

If the forced Protestant Bible reading and prayer from the Blaine framework are stricken down, however, you also strike down everything that makes the Blaine framework prejudiced. What’s left is the system of secular schools we have today where government is barred from financing or imposing any religious practices. In other words, there is a major difference in the function of a “no aid” provision depending on whether it is operating within a bigoted establishment system or a secular one that denies aid to all religions as a matter of liberty.

For example, the secular, pre-Blaine, federal framework of “no aid” denials of government support to religion was originally enacted as an essential function of free conscience liberty, meant to guarantee citizens against the free conscience tyranny’s conducted by civil support of religion in the colonial past. James Madison could not have been more clear that under this standard, first adopted in Virginia and later enumerated in the First Amendment, viewed government support of religion as a sin and a per se violation of freedom of conscience regardless of whether any taxpayer objected. Accordingly, from an originalist lens, Espinoza becomes simple and rather uncontroversial. After all, if the First Amendment’s incorporation to the states means the prejudiced Blaine frameworks of the past can, and should, be struck down, it also means the First Amendment’s pre-Blaine prohibition against aid to religion must also be incorporated to the states. The Petitioners in Espinoza, many of whom claim to be originalists, have missed, or rather conveniently left out, this rather obvious point.

Working in the favor of the Petitioners in the Espinoza case, however, is the fact that several members on this court do not seem to care at all about rather obvious points regarding federal anti-establishment religious liberty. For example, despite the fact that James Madison was clear the federal standard viewed civil support to religion as a contradiction to religion itself “for every page of it disavows a dependence on the powers of this world,” this Supreme Court has forced states to provide cash grants to churches for property enhancements. Accordingly, despite the fact that it can be shown original free conscience First Amendment liberty was drafted specifically to prevent the kinds of assessment frameworks that mirror the type the Petitioners in Espinoza are asking for, I suspect the Supreme Court will again ignore all history, all law, and simply choose the outcome that favors the Christian religion.

The reason many within the public will accept a decision that forces states to fund religious instruction is likely due to the hysteria that surrounds religion today. To hear some tell it, despite every conceivable advantage and favor in the law and in politics, they nevertheless exist in a state of continual peril. In the public-school context, at least once a week I personally see someone I know on Facebook share some meme or quote some figure (including the current president), that claims something to the effect of “God was taken out of our schools.” The fact is, God was never taken out of public schools, all American students can currently pray to any god they want with a guarantee against any government interference. Unfortunately, these facts won’t stop the president, nor many of his supporters from repeating the claim God has been taken out of public schools.

To understand what is going on in religious liberty cases these days requires understanding that the victim complex simply has to exist for many religious people, regardless of the facts. Without the victim label, the hateful discrimination and demonization against nonbelievers as the cause of all the country’s ills could not be justified. The victim label makes examining why private religious participation is declining secondary to manufactured outrage over forcing states to fund religious instruction. Moreover, given the state of religious decline, if religion is returned to its “primitive state” as Madison intended, where religion is maintained entirely by private donations, religious institutions will not have the economic resources they once did. For some, the decline of religious influence, even apparently over a willingly apathetic population, can only result in the country’s moral decline. In order to prevent this decline, it appears many are willing to undermine the law, free conscience liberty be damned. At this point all I can do is ask these folks, my fellow Americans, to consider the fact that forcing states and therefore the people to fund religious instruction, even if you think it is for their own good, has never turned out well for any country. The Espinoza case therefore represents a crossroad for the Court and for the country. On the one hand, we can choose to uphold the state of Montana’s pre-Blaine, First Amendment provision of anti-establishment liberty. Or we can succumb to irrational fear and hatred and choose to distort the law so as to force states to provide mechanisms for the financial support of religious instruction an increasing number of Americans are privately rejecting.


Tyler Broker’s work has been published in the Gonzaga Law Review, the Albany Law Review, and is forthcoming in the University of Memphis Law Review. Feel free to email him or follow him on Twitter to discuss his column.

Big Law School Tuition Hikes Are Coming To California

Looks like law students — especially out of state students — at the University of California, Berkeley School of Law; the University of California, Davis School of Law; the University of California, Irvine School of Law; and the University of California at Los Angeles School of Law should brace themselves for a tuition raise. As reported by Law.com, the University of California Board of Regents will vote tomorrow on proposed tuition hikes — to the tune of 17 percent between 2020 and 2023. Oof.

The proposed increases are not standard across all of the impacted law schools. Here’s how the increases would break down per school. At Berkeley Law, currently at $52,500 for residents and $55,000 for nonresidents jumps to $63,000 and $75,500, respectively, by 2023. At UC Irvine, California residents would go from $47,485 to $60,604 while nonresidents would see a 36 percent increase to $72,849 by 2023. UC Davis would see a 13 percent tuition hike to $55,735 for residents and $66,095 for nonresidents by 2023. UCLA Law’s would jump to $53,207 for residents and $61,477 for nonresidents by 2021 (the proposal does not include tuition information for UCLA past 2021).

The hike would raise the schools’ professional degree supplemental tuition, which was established to offset reductions in state funding. Berkeley Law dean Erwin Chemerinsky doesn’t seem phased by the change, saying it’ll put the law school more in line with their (incredibly expensive) peer schools:

But none of the four University of California law schools have raised that professional degree supplemental tuition since 2012, said UC Berkeley law dean Erwin Chemerinsky. At the same time, state funding has declined. Public funding now accounts for just 7% of Berkeley Law’s budget, he said. Without an increase in public support, the schools must raise tuition or risk reducing the quality of their programs, Chemerinsky said. The proposed tuition increase will bring UC Berkeley more in line with competitor schools, he added.

“If you look at the other top 10 law schools, we’re priced, basically $10,000 less,” Chemerinsky said. “We can’t be priced substantially lower than our peer schools.

The good news, is that the Regents’ mandate — that there’s a larger difference between what California residents and nonresidents pay — isn’t a three year penalty. Most law students are able to qualify as California residents after only one year. So that’s nice, at least.


headshotKathryn Rubino is a Senior Editor at Above the Law, and host of The Jabot podcast. AtL tipsters are the best, so please connect with her. Feel free to email her with any tips, questions, or comments and follow her on Twitter (@Kathryn1).

Checking Beneficiary Designations Before Wrecking Your Estate Plan

Upon death, one’s assets may be transferred to beneficiaries in a variety of ways. Assets such as life insurance policies, trusts, annuities, and retirement accounts commonly have a beneficiary designation. This means that, upon death, title transfers to the named beneficiary (or multiple beneficiaries). Generally, the named individual will present a death certificate to the financial institution and complete proprietary paperwork, prior to the monies being released or rolled over into another account.

Assets that are held jointly between individuals pass to the surviving owner upon the first owner’s death. This applies to financial accounts and real estate. Often this kind of joint ownership is seen between spouses or an elderly parent and adult child. The account or property may be titled in a number of ways, but often as “joint tenants with rights of survivorship.”

Finally, assets held in an individual’s name listing no beneficiary and bearing no joint owner, must pass via a last will and testament or by the state’s laws of intestacy, depending on whether the decedent died with or without a last will and testament. Therefore, a house owned by an individual will need to be included in a petition for the probate of a last will and testament so that the probate court may issue Letters Testamentary to the nominated executor. Upon receiving authority, the executor will distribute the asset pursuant to the terms of the last will and testament.

Assets passing outside of the last will and testament, via joint ownership or named beneficiary, pass by what is often known as “operation of law.” These assets do not get included in an inventory of probate assets and with a properly named beneficiary, they do not fall under the jurisdiction of the probate court. Practically, the beneficiary designations of these assets are much more difficult to challenge because notice is not given to next-of-kin as to their existence. This is different than individually owned assets that pass via a last will and testament or by intestacy, wherein the next-of-kin is informed of the estate proceeding, regardless of whether they are listed in the last will and testament. The notice gives the relative the opportunity to challenge or accept the last will and testament and its provisions.

It is not impossible, however, to contest a beneficiary designation under an operation of law asset. The news reports that a lawsuit was recently filed in Pennsylvania by Lance Tittle, the brother of Kent Tittle, who died last year. Lance Tittle alleges that a Morgan Stanley beneficiary designation form discovered in his brother’s home after his brother’s death leaves his Morgan Stanley financial account to Lance. Morgan Stanley does not have a record of a designated beneficiary on the decedent’s IRA account. When there is no beneficiary listed on an account, the asset passes to the decedent’s estate, who in this case would be Kent Tittle’s children. Lance Tittle alleges that his brother wished to disinherit his children and his ex-wife. Morgan Stanley will not name Lance Tittle as beneficiary unless directed by a court. Lance Tittle has retained a handwriting expert to demonstrate the authenticity of the beneficiary designation document.

Questions as to beneficiary designations can arise after death. Often family members are surprised to find that they have been removed in place of someone else. Conversely beneficiaries are sometimes pleasantly surprised to find out that the beneficiary designation was never changed, despite the fact that there was a breakdown in the relationship between the account owner and the named beneficiary. Too often, no beneficiary is listed, and the last will and testament or state laws of intestacy determine who gets the asset. In this case, the beneficiary may not be in sync with what the owner intended.

When engaging in estate planning, it is imperative that one requests all beneficiary designation forms from their financial institutions to confirm who is the named beneficiary. Family structures change and relationships often fail. Assets that pass by beneficiary designation are supposed to make transfer of assets easy, as they avoid court. It is important to confirm that those listed are still a part of one’s life and are worthy of one’s hard earned estate.


Cori A. Robinson is a solo practitioner having founded Cori A. Robinson PLLC, a New York and New Jersey law firm, in 2017. For more than a decade Cori has focused her law practice on trusts and estates and elder law including estate and Medicaid planning, probate and administration, estate litigation, and guardianships. She can be reached at cori@robinsonestatelaw.com

Ex-Rep. Collins sentenced to 2 years in prison for biotech insider trading, lying to FBI – MedCity News

Former congressman Chris Collins will spend the next two years in prison for insider trading and lying to FBI agents, a federal judge ruled Friday.

Vernon Broderick, judge for the U.S. District Court for the Southern District of New York, sentenced Collins to 26 months. Collins, who was arrested by federal agents in August 2018, resigned from the House of Representatives at the end of September 2019 and pleaded guilty to the charges. A Republican, he had represented New York’s 27th district, in the western part of the state, since 2013.

The charges were related to Collins’ membership on the board of directors of Innate Immunotherapeutics, a Sydney, Australia-based biotech company in which he owned a 16.8% stake, a position that had already prompted an investigation by the Office of Congressional Ethics. According to the 2018 indictment, in June 2017, Collins passed what had been confidential negative results from a Phase IIb clinical trial of Innate’s multiple sclerosis drug, MIS416, to his son, Cameron, in a phone call from the White House lawn. Cameron, who owned a 2.3% stake in the company, then allegedly sold nearly 1.4 million shares over several days before the results were made public. Innate’s stock fell 90% on the Australian Stock Exchange when news of the results was announced; although the company had suspended trading on the ASX ahead of the news, the shares were still traded on the over-the-counter exchange in the U.S. The scheme allegedly allowed Collins and co-conspirators to avoid $768,000 in losses that they would have incurred had they waited for the results to become public.

“Collins’ greed and disregard for the law have now led to a criminal conviction for insider trading and lying to the FBI, his resignation from Congress and over two years in federal prison,” U.S. Attorney Geoffrey Berman said in a statement. “Lawmakers bear the profound privilege and responsibility of writing and passing laws, but equally as important, the absolute obligation of following them.”

Photo: Scott Heins, Getty Images

AGENDA 2020: President Chamisa’s Address To The Nation – The Zimbabwean

Today we gather here at Stodart HALL in Mbare, this great place of history, a place of hope and inspiration which
has served as a revolutionary springboard for many of our country’s nationalist trailblazers, religious torchbearers
as well as sports and artistic luminaries among many other leading lights who have, over the years, scaled the
heights as the “Class of Stodart Hall”, in search of a Zimbabwe that the people want but which remains a pipe
dream TO BE PURSUED, BUT YET TO BE ATTAINED.

Because we are meeting in January and given that it is our first time to do so this year, let me take this opportunity

to extend to everyone compliments of the new year.

But as I do so, I’m alive to the fact that compliments of the new year have already been superseded by complications
of the last year, which have followed us into the new year; and which are standing in the way of any prospect for a
happy and prosperous year for Zimbabweans.

This year, 2020, is an important year not least because it marks the end of a decade and the start of a new one.

Over the last decade, and indeed over the last two decades, Zimbabweans have not been able to realistically wish
each other a happy and prosperous new year, with any credibility. The last decade, and the one before it, have seen
the destruction of happiness and prosperity in our country in ways that are unprecedented.

Throughout the last decade, Zimbabweans have moved from one year to another, on a wing and a prayer while

plunging from crisis to crisis and darkness to darkness, with oppression and the brutal denial of basic human

rights as the order of the day.

We declare 2020 a year of breakthrough in reclaiming the people’s victory and 2020-2030 a decade of hope rapid

radical transformation.

In March 1997 Zimbabwe launched Vision 2020. Vision 2020 promised:

• Housing for all by 2020,

• Healthcare for all by 2020,

• Education for all by 2020, and

• Jobs for all by 2020

Today we have none of all the promises THAT 2020 is upon us. As sure as the sunrise, time has come to test our

resolve and has found us wanting.

We have no healthcare, no housing, no universal education and no jobs. 23 years later we have a rapidly deteriorating healthcare system where doctors have to protest for medicines and equipment and where teachers cannot afford to send their own children to school.

We have a beautiful AND RICH country, with talented people and a wealth of natural resources. Ours is ONLY a failure of leadership.

The Zimbabwe of today is the product of and an expression of poor leadership. The crisis in Zimbabwe is man-made.

We are a broken and divided nation, led through fear, governed by force and ruled through violence.

Man-made poverty is being used as a tool of repression and oppression, while poverty has been weaponised to enrich a few. Food continues to be used as a political weapon to sow divisions, fuel hate and instill fear. This can’t be allowed to continue.

Right now, we are struggling with everything and anything education, school fees and teachers conditions of service,

doctors, water, electricity, transport and social service delivery in general

People have been impoverished beyond measure, no jobs, no income, no lights, no water, no fuel, prices are escalating while incomes are plunging. It’s just hell on earth, a beautiful country and hitherto relatively prosperous country turned into a hellhole by a failed, rogue and corrupt politics and policies.

THIS IS THE SIGNAL!

The old order has failed to bring forth the new. They have shown that they possess neither the appetite nor capacity to change. They’re vacuous. Their politics is vapid, insipid and out of time.

To place any hope on the past and on yesterday’s people is an act of cruelty and a betrayal of our children’s future.

 

• The old order is struggling on the governance and legitimacy fronts.

 

• The old order is struggling on the re-engagement front.

• The old order is struggling on the national convergence platform.

 

• The old older is struggling on the economic front.

• The old order is struggling on the policy FORMULATION AND IMPLEMENTATION fronts.

 

• The old order is struggling on the credibility and integrity fronts.

THIS IS THE SIGNAL!

So the ridiculous slogans about a new dispensation, open for business and second republic this and that have been

shown to be superficial rhetoric and delusions of clueless regime now muddling through on the basis of directionless

experimentalism hoping that somewhere along the way it will stumble on solutions to our problem. That’s not how

things work. We need serious and competent leadership with a clear vision and pathway forward through structured

reform, re-engagement and talks

THIS IS THE SIGNAL

We have heard you ask time and time again. What are you doing to provide an alternative, and I say to you again, we

are the people’s leadership. We hold within us your deep desire for change. We are the unfulfilled expression of the

people’s true will. We are you. It is you who voted for us. You, whose vote was stolen in 2018. You who WE will

continue to fight with, side by side.

We will act, we will LEAD AND REPRESENT, we will speak up in parliament, we will challenge unlawfulness, we will

work in every community. We will not betray the people’s vote nor let their voice be silenced. This is our Agenda in 2020.

We will walk the path of resistance. We are emboldened and resolved. Come what may. We will not be intimidated.

It is time to fight for the Zimbabwe we want and have so rightly dreamed of and worked for. In 2020 we will focus our efforts on the people’s fight:

1.The fight for a people’s government, reforms and return to legitimacy.

2.The fight for a better life, dignity and livelihoods.

3.The fight against corruption.

4.The fight for rights, freedoms, security of persons and rule of law.

5.The fight in defense of the constitution and constitutionalism.

Breaking Barriers Initiative (BBI)

This year, 2020, is the people’s year to start the people’s decade.

It is the year of the people’s action.

This is the year when something must and will give. This year is our revolutionary moment.

A new page must be turned in the making of a new Zimbabwe, whose journey was started by the MDC when the

glorious movement of the people first entered Parliament in 2000. But for us to turn the required page in 2020, we

must extend our hand, our open hand of peace, of democracy, of human rights and of sustainable development; to

our neighbours, friends, comrades and compatriots.

The change we have sought as the MDC is not change for us as a political party but change for us as Zimbabweans.

That is why we have become a people’s movement. Our political party is an instrument for change meant to benefit

each and every Zimbabwean regardless of who they are, their station in life, their tribe, their national origin, their totem or even their political affiliation.

In order for the people to stamp their authority in 2020 as the people’s year to kick start the people’s decade, it is

important for us to understand that where and when the people have spoken, as they did on 30 July 2018, the people

must act to implement what they have said.

Politics is not about words but about action. In the best political traditions, praxis, that is action, has always defined

politics. This is an existential truth. That is why, in the final analysis, we are judged not by what we say but by what

we do or do not do. It is the sins of commission and omission that shall follow us.

As we christen 2020, the year of the people’s action, I’m happy to announce the launch today of the Breaking Barriers Initiative (BBI), from my office as MDC president, designed to enable the people of Zimbabwe from across the full political spectrum of our nation to act together, support each other and speak with one voice beyond political boundaries and divisions created by the mashurugwi regime which have built artificial barriers between and among Zimbabweans.

Our BBI seeks to bridge and break the negative barriers that have developed between and among us Zimbabweans

over the last 40 years, and which have thus come in the way of real change, especially over the last two decades,

to the detriment of the people and the advantage of the regime’s merchants of division.

The BBI has the following objectives:

• Foster and engender the development, articulation and celebration of a community-based, dynamic, multicultural, multi-ethnic, multiracial, multilingual, multi-religious, intergenerational and progressive national identity of being a Zimbabwean which has an inclusive spirit de corps;

• Facilitate structured and inclusive conversations among Zimbabweans on their welfare, well-being, livelihoods,

national interest and priorities on such issues as infrastructural development, food security, job creation, water

and sanitation;

• Create local and national platforms for common action in the defence of the rule of law, human rights and

basic freedoms for all Zimbabweans;

• Support the development, incubation and promotion of technological and engineering solutions to fight and

eradicate poverty, hunger and disease in the country; and,

• Promote the teaching, learning and application of Science, Technology, Engineering and Mathematics STEM

in primary, secondary, tertiary and university education to empower the youth, develop a knowledge-based and

technological driven economy, Artificial Intelligence, machine learning and propel Zimbabwe into the fourth industrial revolution.

• Engage Zimbabwe’s friends and cooperating partners in the international community to rationalise their humanitarian support and developmental projects to ensure they benefit the people of Zimbabwe in their communities.

These objectives are not exhaustive but are illustrative of some of the work proposed to be done under the BBI to

address the people’s aspirations as an expression of the people’s year of action. To move the BBI forward,

there are three important action issues that must be addressed urgently, and these are:

• Safeguarding the people’s livelihoods;

• Restoring legality and legitimacy; and,

• Asserting the people’s sovereignty.

Safeguarding People’s Livelihoods

Fundamental to all politics is the livelihood question: are people able to put food on the table for their families;

do people have a roof over their heads; are people able to send their children to school; and basically, are

people able to live? For an overwhelming majority of Zimbabweans, the answer is a resounding no.

In addition to threatening to cut, and actually cutting, the lives of some Zimbabweans short while endangering

others, the Mashurugwi regime has virtually destroyed the livelihoods of Zimbabweans, with most no longer

able to make ends meet and others living from hand to mouth. The regime’s delinquent economic policies that

have destroyed the multicurrency system, adopted a Zimdollar that is not available and is presiding over an

economic meltdown with the second-highest inflation in the world after Maduro’s Venezuela, have impoverished

everyone save for the mashurugwi cabal and its filthy rich cronies who have used corrupt schemes like command

agriculture to buy overseas-based private jets and to import luxury vehicles like Lexuses, Bentleys and

Lamborghinis for themselves, their wives and children and unashamedly splashing ill-gotten opulence in a country

that has become a poverty AND HUNGER desert.

The people have spoken enough about and against this scourge which has come about at the expense of their

destroyed livelihoods. Enough is enough. This year, in 2020, the people will speak through action, against the

scourge and in defence of their right to their livelihoods, which they must now begin to reconstruct for themselves

and their families. In this regard, and as part of BBI, I will stand with the people and act together with them in

defence of their livelihoods under the MDC’s Agenda 2020.

Restoring Legality and Legitimacy

The collapse of the people’s livelihoods, destroyed by the mashurugwi regime, is directly linked to and is a

consequence of Mr. Emmerson Mnangagwa’s illegitimacy and, arising from that illegitimacy, the illegality of the

framework and actions of his administration.

It is now common cause that the 2018 presidential election was stolen. The most damning and unimpeachable

evidence of the audacious electoral theft has been exposed to be in the report on the 2018 harmonised elections

compiled by the Zimbabwe Electoral Commission (ZEC) and tabled before the National Assembly in Parliament

on 27 June 2019 by justice minister Ziyambi Ziyambi.

This is a matter that must be of great concern to everyone, especially the voters who voted in 2018 presidential

election – not just the 2,6 million who voted for me – but all the voters who are committed to the holding of free and

fair elections in accordance with the Constitution of Zimbabwe.

Section 67(1)(a) and (b) of the Constitution, dealing with political rights, provides that:

Every Zimbabwean citizen has the right—

(a) to free, fair and regular elections for any elective public office established in terms of this Constitution or any other law; and

(b) to make political choices freely.

While the Constitutional Court made its determination of the application I initiated challenging the controversial ZEC declaration and announcement of Mr. Emmerson Mnangagwa, as the winner of the 2018 presidential election, and while we respected that decision as we disagreed with it, there’s now a new development after the case, coming

from ZEC itself, which shows beyond any argument or doubt that the results of the 2018 presidential election were

transmitted, captured and collated unlawfully, improperly and irregularly as to void the election and invalidate any

result that was declared and announced following the unlawful, improper and irregular transmission, capture and

collation of the results from the country’s 1,985 ward centres to ZEC’s national command centre in Harare.

The compelling evidence of how the presidential election was rigged by ZEC, is enough for anyone and all of the 2,6

million voters who cast their vote for me to go to court on grounds that their political rights enshrined in s67(1) of the Constitution were violated. There’s also now a clear and present basis for taking the matter of the 2018 presidential election to the African Court on Human and Peoples Rights. Such actions would be well within the BBI, as an expression of the people’s action to restore legality and legitimacy under the MDC’s Agenda 2020.

Those who say the 2018 presidential election should be forgotten about, and focus should now be on 2023, ain’t

seen nothing yet. It’s them who should forget about covering up the giant 2018 election fraud. Especially now that

ZEC itself has, perhaps inadvertently or even mischievously, come out with incontrovertible evidence that election

was not conducted in substantial compliance with the law. So, first things must come first. There will be no 2023

an election without resolving the 2018 election. Looking ahead to 2023, the most important electoral reform is the

resolution of the 2018 presidential election. A critical and unavoidable starting point is the resignation of all ZEC

commissioners and management team which is infested with the seconded military, intelligence and police operatives, masquerading as politically neutral professionals when their remit is to rig elections for Zanu PF.

Asserting People’s Sovereignty

The bedrock of the BBI, and the Nation’s Agenda 2020 on the basis of which the people will speak through

actions for change is that the people have awoken to the truth that, in terms of the new Constitution adopted

by the people in a referendum in 2013, sovereignty belongs to the people, and not to the State or its institutions

and agencies. This is why s88(1) of the Constitution provides that “executive authority derives from the people

of Zimbabwe”; s117(1) says legislative authority of Zimbabwe is derived from the people, and s162 stipulates

that “judicial authority derives from the people of Zimbabwe”.

These are important constitutional imperatives whose import is that national sovereignty belongs to the people

by virtue of the constitutional provisions that derive executive authority, legislative authority and judicial authority

from the people.

When the institutions, agencies or offices to whom the people have vested their executive authority, legislative

authority or judiciary authority; as has happened with regard to the stolen 2018 presidential election, the failure

to hold accountable those behind the violent brutalisation of citizens on 1 August 2018 and between 14 and 28

January 2019; along with the destruction and erosion of the people’s livelihoods, leaving the people with no

constitutional choice but to assert their sovereignty.

The people have a constitutional right to directly exercise their executive authority, legislative authority and judicial

authority when those vested with such authority, abdicate or repudiate their constitutional responsibilities and

obligations.

Triple Action for Change

In summary, the BBI under the Nation’s Agenda 2020 translates into a model of triple action for the people to

mark 2020 as the year of the people and to start the new decade as the people’s decade through revolutionary

actions for change, in accordance with the Constitution of Zimbabwe.

The long and short of it is that enough is enough. A lot of damage has been done to Zimbabwe and Zimbabweans

in the name of the State. There’s a difference of night and day between officeholders and the State. In a

constitutional democracy, such as ours should be, the State belongs to the people, as its creators; it does not

belong to its officeholders.

Ours is a National democratic struggle whose success depends on nationwide transformation and reform, Ours

is a National Democratic struggle whose main facets entail different zones of struggle.

THE BATTLEFRONTS

1. Leading the struggle -The Party modernization Agenda

The party held a successful congress in 2019, ushering in new and dynamic leadership with a range of skills

and competencies.

Your movement remains strong.

We have a clear ideology and a passion for change that puts the people first.

We have structures across Zimbabwe.

We have a growing membership in every village, farm, township and suburb.

We have a good leadership team.

We have sound, realistic policies.

Our vision is clear.

The people’s party was born out of the working-class and working people’s struggles, toil and sweat.

The people’s party has had 21 years of resilience, service and sacrifice. We continue to stand strong on

the foundations of our birth and our hopes for the future. We have survived all manner of mischief because

the people’s cause cannot be killed. It survives at the will of the people.

We have entered a period of renewal. Renovating our systems. Reviving our culture of excellence and

sharpening our strategy.

We are taking the fight for democracy deep into the rural areas. Rural development is not an option but a

necessity. In 2020 we will focus our efforts on securing rural development as a key pillar for national

transformation.

We are working to revamp party administration, party communications, party discipline, funding, community

projects and party candidate selection rules to make them more efficient, transparent and people-centred.

We will continue visiting and supporting political prisoners and their families.

We will also focus on the survivors of political violence and maintain a roll of honour for those who have died

in the struggle for change.

We will emphasize the supremacy of strong, active grass-root structures across the country.

We are and must be, trusted leaders of society. Fit and proper to provide everyday answers to everyday

problems. Our leaders and representatives must be different, accessible, available, able, credible, dependable,

reliable.

We will put more emphasis on fundraising and mobilization strategies guided by principles of accountability

and transparency. We will also make party membership easier using modern systems of online registration

and robust performance contracts, monitoring and evaluation frameworks for its leaders and members.

2. The Parliamentary Agenda

Fellow Zimbabweans, as part of Agenda 2020, we will deepen our role in Parliament. In 2019, our Members

of Parliament continued to work hard under difficult conditions on behalf of the citizens we represent.

Our refusal to recognise illegitimacy has not compromised our mandate in Parliament. The state propaganda

machine will have you believe that the MDC has abandoned the peoples’ cause. The reality is we continue

to fight for transparency and accountability.

Fighting illegitimacy does not undermine our work. In all things, the needs of the citizens come first. Restoring

legitimacy and credibility to our executive is key among them. True change demands both electoral and

performance legitimacy.

We are not walking out on our work. The work of our portfolio committees continues without forgetting our longer

term goal of fighting for reform.

We fought a spirited battle against the adoption of the Maintenance of Peace and Order Act. This is just another

POSA, if not worse in some aspects. We stood on principle. We will work harder and smarter to highlight our

Member of Parliament’s contribution in various committees and portfolios.

In Parliament, we will fight even harder for the Diaspora vote. Not only was this promised to this nation,

but it is the right of every citizen. My opposite number in Zanu PF made various assurances while on the election

campaign trail and even after in 2018 that once elections were concluded, mechanisms would be put in place to

ensure the diaspora vote. To date, no steps have been taken to make this a reality. They are quick to look for

diaspora money and skills but show no interest in giving the diaspora their right to truly influence the direction

of Zimbabwe.

This is simply another of many examples of tragic and failed leadership.

The party will use parliament as a theatre of the struggle for a better life for Zimbabweans, struggle for democracy.

We will strengthen our debating capacity, ensuring that we have more motions that are people-centred and

focus on peoples everyday issues above all else.

We’ll build the capacities of our MPs through a parliamentary research unit to improve the quality of debates

and contributions.

We will introduce performance scorecards for our MPs and mandatory regular Constituency Feedback

Meetings will be implemented to ensure that parliamentary debate is truly representative of the communities

we serve.

I am calling each and every one of you to action in your community. We have no government. The

development of our communities is now left to us.

Get in touch with your local councillor, find your Member of Parliament. If there are community interventions

you are interested in supporting, get involved. None but ourselves will reverse the under-development that

our country continues to face. We cannot outsource this function to development partners. We can work

with them, but there can be no development of Zimbabwe without us as Zimbabweans determining and

driving our own agenda.

3. Local Authorities Agenda

Those who meddle in the game of propaganda want to tell you that service delivery is failing because of the

MDC. They want you to believe that every problem under the sun belongs to us because they have failed.

We are going to launch the smart cities policy document that will focus on how we govern differently detailing

issues to the local authority’s service delivery, infrastructure, the vision of the city.

We are also going to launch the smart village’s policy that will entail our model smart homesteads smart

sources of energy solar for each rural home borehole per village infrastructure for villages, schools, bridges, etc.

We are also going the emphasize on proper and true devolution and a people-centred devolution bill inline

with the spirit in the constitution.

We continue to work under sabotage. The Ministry of Local Government still appoints all town clerks, CEOs

and other officials. This means they continue to sabotage our efforts for change. Government still approves

and limits our budgets. We are not able to determine rates leaving us unable to make enough money to

provide adequate services. We are also not exempt from very real consequences of the prevailing economic

environment where sourcing forex for goods and services such as water chemicals and road equipment etc.

is difficult and dependent on the charity of the Ministry of Finance. The system is broken.

Despite that we will make a greater effort in professionalising service delivery and community development.

We will work to remove the bottlenecks compromising service delivery, in particular:

• Giving procurement to local authorities as opposed to local government.

• Moving joint ventures powers back to council and away from central government.

• Removing the approval of the budget from the central government, in particular, the local authority and residents.

• Stopping unconstitutional ministerial directives and political interference from central government.

• Removing the hiring and firing of senior employees or staff in local authorities from the local government.

We will take a no-nonsense approach to deal with integrity, excellence and accountability to cleanse our

leadership against corruption and incompetence in the zones we lead.

I am awaiting verified feedback from the Integrity and Accountability Panel, led by Advocate Thabani Mpofu.

This panel’s work is to position our councils according to expected and acceptable standards of excellence.

The corrupt will be identified and removed from office.

2020 will not be an ordinary year. It will be a year of action. Collective action.

4. Electoral Agenda

Over the years, our elections have been a bloody affair. But for us, life is more precious than politics, blood is

more precious than power. No drop of blood must be lost on account of politics or elections in Zimbabwe.

As you all know, we have had a number of by-elections which have been manipulated to produce a predetermined

outcome.

It’s a myth that the cheating Zanu PF wins and is popular in the rural areas. What is a fact is that Zanu PF cheats

more in the rural areas using intimidation, fear, disinformation and food as political weapons. We must stop the

cheating.

There must be a link between the delimitation process and census data to ensure transparently and a level

playing field to avoid gerrymandering or manipulation of boundaries.

The Zimbabwe electoral commission must be revamped and have professional secretaries who are independent

before and non-partisan.

We want a raft of electoral reforms in line with the recommendations of the International election observer mission

reports as detailed in our RELOAD document we recently launched in 2019.

We are going to launch our alternative electoral bill detailing the reforms Zimbabweans are demanding. This bill is

ready and has already been finalized by our elections department.

5. Governance Agenda: Re-imagining the State

The security of persons and national peace are very important to us. We take note of the lawlessness seeping

through society through the activities of state-protected machete gangs. No amount of propaganda can change

the fact that these gangs are as a result of the lawlessness and selective application of the law that has been

taken over the country.

The individuals concerned are well known in their communities. The shops and factories manufacturing the

machetes and other instruments of destruction that they are using are well known. Under these circumstances,

it beholds reason why they are not being brought to account.

We place the birth and origin of these machete yielding characters squarely at the doors of the elites in violent Zanu

PF functionaries who in any event are the holders of the gold claims that these groups were originally created to defend.

There is a need to inquire on the circumstances of how they were born and created as well as to compensate the

victims including families that have lost their loved ones. This is why we propose the setting up of a judicial

commission of inquiry into this issue as a matter of urgency.

Security services

Let me be categoric about the security services, a new government that I will lead will not temper with the military

or security services, they are not the problem. We will avail the right politics and a conducive environment for our

men and women in uniform to shine and excel, a task which they know best.

A legitimate Government will have no need to use the security services against its own citizens.

Our military and security services should be well fed and resourced, it is cruel to neglect the welfare of our defenders

of the nation.

Ensuring the independence of institutions is a must in creating the Zimbabwe we want. At the present moment our

institutions are crippled by a lack of budgetary support and excessive executive interference.

State capture has eroded most of our institutions. We, therefore, put firmly the proposal that the independence of

institutions in Zimbabwe must be at the fore of any progressive reform agenda.

In this respect, the following Chapter 12 institutions must be prioritised: The Zimbabwe Media Commission, the

Zimbabwe Human Rights Commission, Zimbabwe Anti-Corruption Commission, and the National Peace and

Reconciliation Commission. These play a key role in safeguarding our democracy.

6. Constitutional Agenda

In December 2019, the government of the day gazetted Constitutional Amendment No 2 – HB23/2019.

The Bill proposes a raft of amendments to the Zimbabwean Constitution.

The Constitutional Amendment in the main seeks to restore the Imperial Presidency that we thought we had dealt with

decisively in 2013 through the approval in a referendum of a new constitution.

Any Constitutional Amendment must be negotiated like the old constitution itself. We are seeing a self-serving decision

to personalise the State through unnecessary Constitutional amendments.

The country is plagued by pressing issues which require measured and visionary leadership.

Instead, we have those obsessed with consolidating personal power. They told the world that reforms take time. But when

it comes to changing laws for their own selfish ends, they are fast.

The calls for the alignment of the constitution must ring louder than before. There should be no amendment to the people’s

contract without first aligning the constitution –Alignment not an amendment.

7. The Economic Agenda

The Economist’s Intelligence Unit expects inflation to average 165.5% in 2020, owing to shortages of basic goods and US

dollars and sustained currency weakness. The ongoing drought will continue to constrain exports and necessitate imports

in 2020.

Unemployment and joblessness remain a palpable threat to national security. Government is best that governs least.

Governments don’t run companies. The best they can do is to govern and create a conducive environment for ease of doing

business.

Modern defense is not in the military in nature but economic. A functioning economy is the strongest defense force for any nation.

We must return to basics.

It is important that measures be undertaken to encourage massive productivity to drag the economy out of recession.

Attracting investment will be critical and to do so Zimbabwe’s ease of doing business must be attended to.

The Zimbabwean economy is in a tailspin suffocating from massive headwinds across all sectors of the economy.

The economy is not performing and therefore the country is suffering from the twin deficits of democratic legitimacy and performance legitimacy. Without these two ingredients, that constitute two ingredients of the Social Contract, the state can implode at any moment and that is why it is essential to create a soft landing through national dialogue.

Macroeconomic Stability

In the past few years, the economy has embarked on an expansionary fiscal policy characterised by huge budget deficits and excessive expenditure. We propose that fiscal consolidation must be pursued and that we should live within our means – We eat what we kill.

The Public Finance Management Act must be amended to prescribe the issuance of TBs. More importantly, if government is to borrow, such borrowing should not exceed 3 per cent of GDP.

Monetary Policy and Exchange Rate

In February 2019 through SI 33 of 2019, the government introduced the Zimbabwe dollars. The sudden introduction of the Zim dollar was irrational. It is not possible to issue currency and expect that currency to survive without attending to the fundamentals. We have seen the local currency loosing value thereby undermining savings and investments. We propose therefore the repeal of SI142 of 2019, and the Finance Act number 2 of 2019. In short, we propose the re-dollarization of the economy in the immediate short term. In the mid-term, Zimbabwe has no choice but to join the Rand Monetary Union.

The Zimbabwean economy is so integrated with the South African economy which is its largest trading partner, due to the high cost structure imposed by the USD.

Inflation:

The mismanagement of monetary policy, the creation of money by the RBZ, an expansionary fiscal policy and the creation of Treasury bills have all contributed to the return of hyperinflation in Zimbabwe. Zimbabwe’s rate of inflation standing unofficially at 700 per cent and officially at 402 per cent is now the second-highest in the world.

Inflation needs to be addressed by a cocktail of measures which include fiscal consolidation, macroeconomic stability and proscription of the Reserve Bank’s rogue money printing activities. Having gone through the sludge of inflation in 2008 it is not acceptable that the present government has allowed hyperinflation to bounce back, the current situation is an indictment against the present regime.

Dealing with Debt

Zimbabwe’s huge debt, upward of $11 billion to International Financial Institutions and the Paris Club of Lenders, as well as more than $18 billion of domestic debt, continues to be a challenge.

Zimbabwe at this point is a failed state, there is no way to beat about the bush. It is a state that needs business rescue.

That requires not only developmental funding to be made available, but equally for debt payments to be suspended for a period of 5-10 years to allow the critical work of national rebuilding to truly occur. Some kind of a negotiated debt moratorium.

Corruption

Zimbabwe has risen dramatically on the global Anti-Corruption Index. Recent work in the Public Accounts Committee has unearthed massive corruption done through the Ministry of the Finance itself.

In 2017 treasury without supporting vouchers siphoned off USD 2,9 billion ostensibly to Command Agriculture. This is captured in the Auditor General’s report. The same report of that same year shows that USD 3,3 billion was siphoned outside parliament and public finance management regulations again channelled towards command agriculture.

Immediate action must be taken to ensure that state-sanctioned looting does not happen again.

The Plight of Workers

The average worker in Zimbabwe faces unmitigated suffering. Since January 2019, the Zimbabwean dollar has lost 85% of its value thereby effectively devaluing the wage of the worker. As this has been happening, massive inflation has also short up which is now in access of 700%.

The MDC thus supports, the call for a living wage being made by unions and indeed supports, the introduction of a US$ the wage in respect of all civil servants and workers in the private sector.

Such a call is consistent with our demand that Si142/2019 must be repealed and that the country must effectively redollarise.

This is the only way forward.

We will also support the call by the unions for collective job action to protect their positions.

Power and Energy

The shortage of both fuel and electricity has become a human rights issue. Zimbabwe has moved from a situation where on average 18-hour power cuts were being experienced to a situation where there are now total power blackouts in many areas of Zimbabwe.

The Constitution protects the Right to Human Dignity in Section 50. Our current power crisis is indeed an infringement of the right to human dignity and indeed the right to life.

We propose that the government must immediately scrape the huge subsidies of almost US$70 million per month that they are dishing out to cartels in the form of Trafigura and Sakunda.

The fuel subsidies should then be used to import at least 400 megawatts of energy from Eskom or HBC in Mozambique.

In the long-term, we propose that 2000 megawatts of energy must be found particularly from Hwange 7 and 8. We need to focus on renewable energy, methane gas and the potential 30 or so hydro stations in Manicaland. This exercise will require massive capital and therefore the resolution of Zimbabwe’s economic crisis is imperative to national development and the restoration of human dignity.

In a nutshell, A raft of measures are therefore urgent and important;

– Decisively dealing with corruption

– Fixing politics, restoring confidence and trust.

– Getting Zimbabwe to be a productive country

– Push up the productivity capacity

– Clear Vision, plans, the best people to do the job with clear KPIs.

– Strong institutions

– Dealing with livelihoods

– Smart infrastructure in particular, smart energy and alternative energy sources

– Dollarization and a basket of currencies

– Workers salaries and civil servants wages must be paid in US dollars

– Dealing with the debt crisis through HIPC

– Fees must fall

– Prices must fall

8.The Agricultural Agenda

In 2020, we face one of the most difficult years we have ever faced as a nation. The World Food Programme says Zimbabwe is one of its 2020 hunger hotspots. This is painful for every Zimbabwean because we know we should not be in this position. We used to feed the entire region. Today we are one of the world’s biggest beggars. It is a failure to lead that brought us here.

Yes, we have a drought. We salute all the partners working to help our people. However, what kills people is not the drought, it is a failure to prepare. A failure to prepare is a failure to lead. When people in a country as rich as ours go to bed hungry, there has been a failure to lead.

Our country is not a desert. Droughts have always been there. Having a drought is not the issue but having a drought without A plan is problematic.

If 4.1 million of your own people have to be fed by donors, while you live in luxury, there has been leadership failure. When children in a country as rich as ours are dropping out of school because they are hungry, there has been a failure to lead. When the whole country has been overtaken by violent thugs, raping women and killing each other in the mines, with no action being taken, there has been a failure to lead.

Thanks to an ecosystem of unpreparedness and lack of planning, Zimbabwe finds itself in the middle of a humanitarian crisis that the World Food Programme has described as the worst in the world.

5.5 million people are in a critical vulnerable food status across the length and breadth of the country. At the same time, as the food the situation worsens, Zanu PF has privatised the distribution of food in many parts of rural Zimbabwe.

The weaponisation of food must stop and stop as a matter of urgency.

Meanwhile, as MDC we will engage the international community with a bid to ensure that the humanitarian crisis is mitigated and social safety nets are provided for. We will prioritize green and climate-smart agriculture with emphasis on irrigation and issues of titles for land.

Land

Zimbabwe is for all of us. This county and this land are for all us.

The land is owned b the people of Zimbabwe. No political party owns the land.

We will invest in irrigation schemes after giving new farmers title deeds.

9. The Social and Humanitarian Agenda

Health

– We will push for the 15% health support in line with the Abuja declaration.

Education

We will push for the implementation of the DAKAR FRAMEWORK 22% budget support instead of the 13 % of the budget dedicated to education.

Investing in the Youth

– We must pursue a quota system for our youth and create equal opportunities for all.

10. The Political Agenda – Resolving the Political Crisis

Giving peace a chance

Our crisis is a crisis of governance born out of a legitimacy crisis because of the rigged, stolen and disputed the 2018 election. There is no credible future election without the resolution of the disputed election. The result of 2018 must be respected.

We must return to legitimacy and democracy. Zimbabwe must have a political dialogue that is credible and genuine underwritten by the international community to facilitate a transitional authority that will pave way for reforms. The National Transition Authority is the appropriate vehicle to turnaround this country.

In 2019, we published our RELOAD document the crux of which was essential to give peace a chance. In that document, we made it clear that the resolution of the Zimbabwean crisis require dialogue, which we were to push through political pressure in all legitimate forms. The basis and purpose of that pressure were to force the government of the day, to agree to dialogue focused on Comprehensive Reforms to be implemented through a National Transitional Mechanism.

The reality on the ground is that more than two years after November 2017, and more than 18 months after the 30 July 2018 election, time is running out for Zimbabwe.

Impatience engulfs the nation and the real danger is that all and sundry will be engulfed by forces and processes that are intolerant to the continued reproduction of the terrible status quo.

We remain committed to genuine dialogue. Our position will not change. What we want is a useful dialogue. It is not dialogue for the purposes of accommodation, photo opportunities or political expediency.

We are a party that has learnt that the people’s struggle must not be hijacked by incomplete or captured processes that provide limited relief, improper answers and imperfect temporary remedies.

We reiterate our position that dialogue must lead to a transitional mechanism that stops the country’s slide towards total collapse. This must be followed by genuine reforms and free elections.

The Case for a Transitional National Authority: The Road to Credibility

Our opponents like to call us names. But they cannot change facts.

Our country did better when the MDC was in Government. What more if we are the government!

When we entered the GNU, inflation had reached 500 billion per cent. By the time the GNU ended in 2013, inflation was just 1.63%. As soon as ZanuPF was left to run the economy, inflation started rising. Annual inflation is now over 480%. They are now trying to hide the figure.

You only have to look at your standard of living to know this truth. In 2012, a teacher was earning US300. It was not much, but they could afford basics. They could send their children to school. Today, that same teacher is being paid the equivalent of about US$40.

Before GNU, the economy shrunk 16.5% in 2008. Under GNU, the economy grew by:

• 5.4% in 2009, 11.4% in 2010, 9.3% in 2011, and 10.6% in 2012.

As soon as GNU ended, the economy grew just 2.4% in 2014. In 2019, the economy fell 7.5%.

These are facts.

Fellow Zimbabweans,

Our country is at a crossroads. We stand where they stood, let’s make history. Get involved.

We are the biggest shareholders of this country as citizens.

Zimbabwe was taken away from us. It must be brought back or we claim it with urgency. Freedom is not a distant phenomenon.

Freedom is not far away from us. It is next to us, within us and around us. There is no greater power than people united!

Freedom must come. It doesn’t come we must bring it. We are its vehicles and conveyancers.

If not you, then who?

Power is not somewhere remote. Power is within us, the people!

We have heard you cry for action. Action is not the responsibility of one person. Do not allow individuals to personalise the struggle for freedom. Stand with us to restore this country. It is time pull together to mend the social fabric that has been torn apart by this tragic failure of leadership.

Fellow citizens,

I would like to assure every person who has ever put their faith in this movement that we will not abandon the cause. The path ahead may seem unclear, but we are resolved and continue to work tirelessly to bring about change that transforms the lives of every woman, man and child who belongs to this soil.

Ours is an inter-generational mandate that requires each individual to look inside themselves and ask what action they can make to harness the winds of change. The time is now. If we are to achieve freedom, prosperity and equal opportunity we have to act as one, individually and collectively.

We must not only be bold in pointing out our problems but brave enough in solving them.

The road that lies ahead is not an easy one. There are no quick fixes. None but ourselves will deliver the change that we want.

The state of our nation is the signal. Zanu PF has given us the signal. Our pain and suffering are too much. This is the signal. Change starts with you and me. It’s time to answer the call.

We will conquer. We will win.

Isaiah 58: 12

“Your people will rebuild the ancient ruins;

you will restore the age-old foundations;

you will be called Repairer of the Breach,

Restorer of the Streets of Dwelling.”

God Bless You!

God Bless Zimbabwe.

Zimbabwe plans a third increase in telecom service tariffs – The Zimbabwean

21.1.2020 16:18

(Ecofin Agency) – Mobile operator Econet Wireless Zimbabwe, the national telecom market leader, announces it is in talks with the Post and Telecommunications Regulatory Authority of Zimbabwe (POTRAZ), for a possible further tariff increase.

“The company, together with the other industry players, continues to engage with POTRAZ in an effort to go back to a tariff regime that will ensure continued viability of the sector as well as ensure that quality of service standards are maintained,” Econet said in a statement.

Since the second quarter of 2019, Zimbabwe has been operating in an inflationary economic environment that continues to erode tariffs for goods and services. The telecom sector has already made two tariff adjustments to maintain the profitability of telecom operators.

The first price increase (+23%) took place in April 2019 and the second (+95.39%) in October 2019. According to Econet Wireless Zimbabwe, the decline in the national economic environment is undermining the national telecom sector at various levels, not just among consumers. The multiple power cuts that are forcing telecom companies to rely more on generators, against a backdrop of rising fuel costs, have also pushed up operating costs.

Post published in: Business

Building a safety net for Zimbabwe’s urban poor – The Zimbabwean

A combination of drought and economic collapse has left 7.7 million Zimbabweans – half the population – unsure where their next meal will come from.

This is not just a rural problem. Soaring food prices mean the urban poor like *Ruth, who lives with her four children in Epworth, a Harare suburb, are also sinking into crisis. Her home is so cramped that three of the children sleep each night at a neighbour’s.

Well-wishers have rallied around to help. People also offer Ruth a bit of work when they can to keep her going – collecting firewood, washing, or cleaning.

But there’s little spare cash in Epworth. Previously an informal settlement, it remains among the poorest of the capital’s suburbs. It’s one of the first places people come to from the rural areas looking for work or, if they’ve failed to make it in the city, one of their last resorts.

“Life in Epworth is on the challenging side. It’s cheap to live here because rents are low, but there are no opportunities – and the neighbours can’t always help.”

“Life in Epworth is on the challenging side,” Ruth told The New Humanitarian. “It’s cheap to live here because rents are low, but there are no opportunities – and the neighbours can’t always help.”

Epworth is a community where the majority of people are in debt, more than 48 percent of households are food insecure, and almost a third of all children are stunted as a result of poor nutrition, according to an urban vulnerability survey by the government and aid agencies last year seen by TNH.

All good reasons why it was chosen to pilot an Urban Food Security and Resilience Cash Transfer initiative in June that reaches 19,000 of Epworth’s most vulnerable people. The scheme, run by the World Food Programme and DanChurchAid, provides the equivalent of $9 for each family member a month, sent via a mobile money platform.

For Ruth, it means a little less dependence on her husband, who she is not entirely sure will stick around.

“Now, it’s better,” she said. “Before, I couldn’t afford to buy a full container of maize meal or even cooking oil.”

Ruth is pretty certain her husband is cheating on her. He stays for a week in their one-room home and then is gone for a few days. To where, she doesn’t know. But when he comes back he’s wearing a different set of clothes.

She has been careful not to ask him about it. He has found work as a casual farm labourer on land close to the airport, and the little money he brings home is just about enough to keep Ruth and the children fed.

“Seeing as he provides food for the kids, I just put up with it,” she said.

But there’s also the rent to pay, and the landlord in the past has publicly embarrassed Ruth, scolding her when it’s overdue. There’s also the school, which has threatened to send her children home over unpaid fees.

It’s a daily struggle, one in which Ruth is far from alone.

The urban challenge

Humanitarians tend to steer away from urban interventions. There is a perception that poverty is less pernicious, that people have a wider range of employment opportunities unavailable to the rural poor – even though informal sector incomes often fluctuate, living costs are higher, and social support networks generally looser.

There are also a number of technical headaches in implementation. The high mobility of people, the lack of ID documents, and weaker community ties make targeting those genuinely in need, monitoring them, and communicating with them, tricky.

“There are multiple layers to urban poverty – it includes health, sanitation, unemployment.”

But the drawbacks are dwarfed by the current needs in Zimbabwe. Last year’s urban assessment found that out of 11,000 households surveyed, 77 percent could not meet their food requirements.

The WFP estimates that, in total, 2.2 million urban Zimbabweans are in need of food assistance.

“But it’s not just food,” said WFP country director Eddie Rowe. “There are multiple layers to urban poverty – it includes health, sanitation, unemployment.”

In Epworth, it was the community that helped identify those in need, reinforced by the more objective criteria of a “vulnerability matrix” – although the qualification requirement of a phone and national ID meant the absolute poorest were excluded.

Community consensus did help ease tensions over who was selected for aid, with single parent households, the elderly, and the disabled all accepted as priority cases, Chido Marimira of DanChurchAid told TNH.

“Initially, there was a bit of jealousy,” said Ruth. “But people realised that the survey decided who was on [the list].”

The register came under government scrutiny when Epworth residents led nationwide protests at the beginning of last year over a sudden 150 percent hike in the fuel price. The three days of unrest left 17 people dead when the security forces responded with live ammunition.

“The government is super-sensitive, as urban areas are opposition strongholds,” said an aid official who asked not to be named. “In Epworth [as a result of the protests], the government double-checked the beneficiaries to make sure they were genuine [and not linked to the opposition].”

Complications and successes

Beatrice Katumba, 65, is unmistakably one of those in need. A widow, she came to Epworth nine years ago to nurse her HIV-positive son, and after his death stayed to care for his child and four other grandchildren.

She has a heart condition and is too old to find work, so the family can afford to eat only twice a day – the main meal just vegetables and maize porridge. Adding to their problems, the septic tank next to their home is overflowing and she can’t get the local Epworth authorities to fix it, so the children are regularly sick with stomach problems.

Beatrice Katumba in her one-room home

Obi Anyadike/TNH

Beatrice Katumba in her one-room home. Katumba, 65, has a heart condition and is too old to find work. She looks after five of her grandchildren after her son died of HIV, but they can only afford to eat twice a day: vegetables and maize porridge.

“The [cash transfer] assistance came at just the right time,” she told TNH. Katumba had been considering heading back to her rural home in Mhondoro, 110 kilometres south of Harare, where rent, water, and wood fuel would at least be free – although growing enough food and keeping the children in school would have been a challenge.

The households on the cash programme are paid in US dollars into a foreign currency digital wallet on their phones. They then convert that cash into digital Zimbabwe dollars through a bureau de change function offered by the service provider.

That was a requirement forced on the programme when the government banned the use of the US dollar as legal tender, a sudden policy change that temporarily halted the initiative.

There is a further complication. “The shops in the informal settlements are small to medium scale – they prefer cash,” explained Marimira of DanChurchAid. Shop-owners charge a premium of at least 25 percent to convert the electronic payments, and for some demand-heavy commodities like maize meal it can be as high as 40 percent.

That penalty hurts when “every cent is critical, every cent counts”, acknowledged Marimira. But she insisted it had not torpedoed the overall success of the programme.

Two children and their mother in Epworth, Zimbabwe.

Obi Anyadike/TNH

Katumba’s grandchildren keep getting sick as a result of an overflowing septic tank.

“There is a strong voice from the community that this is helping them meet their daily household food requirements,” said Marimira. “Food consumption is increasing, dietary diversity is increasing.”

Epworth has been a “proof of concept”. It will be expanded this year to eight other urban locations, reaching 100,000 people with funds provided by the UK’s aid arm DFID, but WFP is looking for financing to double those beneficiaries to 200,000.

(*Ruth’s real name has been changed to protect her identity.)