The 500 Largest Law Firms In America (2020)

There are many different and exciting ways to rank law firms. How prestigious are they? How much money are they making? How much take-home cash do partners earn? How big are they?

Yes, size matters, and because the legal profession is obsessed with every single measurable and quantifiable factor law firms have to offer, there’s obviously a ranking for that.

Today, the National Law Journal unleashed its annual NLJ 500, a ranking of largest law firms in the United States covering the previous calendar year. If you’ve ever wondered about precise law firm headcounts, this is the ranking for you.

  1. Baker McKenzie: 4,809
  2. DLA Piper: 3,894
  3. Norton Rose Fulbright: 3,266
  4. Latham & Watkins: 2,720
  5. Hogan Lovells: 2,642
  6. Kirkland & Ellis: 2,598
  7. Jones Day: 2,514
  8. White & Case: 2,204
  9. Greenberg Traurig: 2,070
  10. Morgan Lewis & Bockius: 2,063

Congratulations go out to Baker McKenzie for employing more lawyers than any other firm. Once again, this firm wins the award for putting the “big” in Biglaw.

Head to the National Law Journal if you’re curious about the firms ranked 11-500.

The NLJ 500: Our 2020 Survey of the Nation’s Largest Law Firms [National Law Journal]
The NLJ 500: Main Chart [National Law Journal]


Staci ZaretskyStaci Zaretsky is a senior editor at Above the Law, where she’s worked since 2011. She’d love to hear from you, so please feel free to email her with any tips, questions, comments, or critiques. You can follow her on Twitter or connect with her on LinkedIn.

Litigation Funding In Bankruptcy And Distressed Situations

Bankruptcy filings have dropped precipitously in the last decade (from more than 60,000 in 2009 to 22,000 last year) — but that trend has reversed as companies deal with the devastating consequences of the pandemic.  Law firms are reportedly scrambling to hire bankruptcy attorneys to help with the flood of expected filings.  Litigation finance may be a creative and viable option for restructuring attorneys and advisors to consider throughout the bankruptcy process especially as traditional sources of financing by outside lenders, creditors, and law firms are constrained by the current environment.

Litigation finance can preserve or increase estate resources for creditors and enable additional recoveries. But its use is not limited to a debtor or potential debtor.  Financing can be useful for creditors in intercreditor disputes or other matters and especially useful for a litigation or liquidation trust seeking to prosecute ongoing claims.  Here are some examples where litigation finance may be an attractive option (although creative restructuring professionals may find it useful in a host of other circumstances):

Pre-filing.  Companies in distress (particularly small- or medium-sized businesses) that have significant litigation or litigation-related claims may look to litigation finance to free up, or even increase, cash reserves through financing the costs of prosecuting a claim or by monetizing some or all of a claim.  Litigation finance can provide these companies the necessary runway to see through the recovery of its business and the realization of litigation proceeds.

DIP financing.  Many bankruptcy estates have options with respect to debtor-in-possession (“DIP”) financing from traditional lenders.  But there may be instances where the estate’s most valuable assets are litigation claims — in that case it may make sense to discuss potential DIP financing with a commercial litigation funder.  Crystallex, for example, secured this very type of financing (in its Canadian bankruptcy proceeding) from a litigation funder to prosecute a $3.4 billion claim against Venezuela for expropriation of a gold mine it had developed.  The Canadian court approved the funding agreement finding that “there is a single ‘pot of gold’ asset which, if realized, will provide significantly more than required to repay the creditors.”

In the National Events bankruptcy, a “litigation funding DIP” funded by creditors sought to investigate potential claims on behalf of the essentially defunct entity.  In that case, the company didn’t need DIP financing to continue operations, but only to pursue potential recovery through litigation.  In another instance, a related party provided funding under DIP provisions in the Welded Construction bankruptcy seeking to recover funds from a construction dispute.  Styled as a litigation funding agreement, the arrangement also resolved some of the claims the funder had against the debtor due to its existing business relationship.  In both of these cases, related parties provided the funding because they presumably had the most to gain from successful litigation; in each, the role of funding could have also been assumed by a litigation funder in coordination with the debtor and the related parties.  The involvement of a litigation funder could prove attractive to all parties because (1) related parties and creditors may not be willing or able to provide additional funding and (2) a litigation funder, who specializes in assessing litigation risk, may be able to provide funds at the lowest cost of capital.

Sale of litigation assets in bankruptcy.  A bankruptcy estate can sell a stake in its litigation or litigation-related claims much in the same way that it sells other assets in its bankruptcy process.

Many companies hold litigation-related assets, for example, in large class actions, and these can be sold like a traditional asset in a bankruptcy.  Numerous companies, for example, have sold claims in the Visa Mastercard class action (In re Payment Card Interchange) through bankruptcy asset sales.  (See, for example, Shopko’s motion to sell its claim for $2.2 million during its bankruptcy process last year.)

Bankruptcy estates may also have more traditional litigation claims available for monetization during a bankruptcy process (including claims stemming from the bankruptcy itself).  These claims are much harder for the estate to value and their continued prosecution often requires expense and resources of the bankrupt entity or its representatives.  A bankruptcy estate may wish to sell some or all of its litigation claims to maximize cash recoveries for the estate, reduce or offset estate expenses (including funding the litigation), and hedge its risk of loss in the litigation. The most significant example of this type of sale was the 2016 sale of litigation claims in the Magcorp bankruptcy pending an appeal of that action following an intensive bidding and auction process.  A litigation funder paid $26.2 million to acquire a $50 million interest in the claims, which allowed creditors to off-load some risk of a loss on appeal and to fund the appeals process itself.

Litigation or liquidation trusts.  Litigation trusts and liquidation trusts can also be prime candidates for litigation funding.  The establishment of these trusts generally allows for the confirmation of a plan of reorganization while litigation claims that may take years to play out continue to progress.  The litigation trusts typically benefit unsecured creditors who might otherwise end up with little or nothing from the bankruptcy.  These trusts sometimes receive seed funding from the estate or from more typical lenders or rely on contingency arrangements with law firms, but because the assets they hold are litigation-related, and because funds expended on the fees or expenses of litigation might otherwise be returned to creditors if not used for litigation, these trusts make excellent candidates for litigation funding.

The General Motors Avoidance Action presents a prime example of how this funding can be used.  The long-running dispute stemmed from the alleged improper repayment of GM’s term lenders during the automaker’s bankruptcy.  This intercreditor dispute centered on whether the term lender’s security interest had been terminated prior to repayment and, if so, how much of the funds paid to the term lenders should have gone to other creditors.  The action proceeded with $1.6 million in “seed” funding from the estate, but that amount and an additional $13 million were soon exhausted.  GM’s reorganization plan was confirmed, but the avoidance action was permitted to proceed as a liquidation trust.  As the case progressed, the U.S. Department of Treasury and Export Development Canada provided an additional $15 million to the trust to prosecute the action.  Once that amount was exhausted, a private litigation funder provided another $15 million facility, and finally Lake Whillans (through an SPV) provided a $10 million facility.  Eventually, the matter settled for $231 million, an amount that would certainly not have been possible without funding for the protracted and costly litigation that took nearly 10 years to resolve, and included a two-week representative trial that narrowed the issues between the parties.

The motion for $40 million in additional funding in the Paragon Litigation Trust offers a behind-the-scenes look at the type of process that a litigation trustee might undergo in seeking additional funding after the trust had exhausted its initial $10 million funding for the offshore driller’s claims seeking more than $1 billion against its former parent company.  The monthslong process involved soliciting interest from dozens of parties including holders of interests in the litigation trust and commercial litigation funders.  Eventually, the trustee and its advisors held an auction that resulted in a number of different funders signing on to provide an additional $40 million in funding for the litigation.

To underscore how valuable this type of funding can be for a standalone litigation trust consider the Tropicana matter.  After the casino operator went bankrupt in 2008, the estate eventually formed a litigation trust to pursue claims (backed largely by investor Carl Icahn) in an adversary proceeding against its former CEO.  More than a decade later, those claims survived a summary judgment motion, which wouldn’t have been possible without an additional cash infusion from Icahn and other funders in 2016.

The coming wave of bankruptcies will challenge companies seeking to restructure, creditors seeking recovery, and the attorneys and other professionals seeking to advise them.  Litigation finance provides a creative tool to help as companies consider their options and plan for what may be (as in the case of GM and Tropicana) matters that live on for the next decade or more.

COVID-19 Salary Cuts Are Still A Thing In Biglaw

Yes, it is June, but as rising cases of the novel coronavirus across the country have proven, that doesn’t mean that COVID-19 is done with us yet. And that includes the pandemic-inspired austerity measures sweeping Biglaw. The latest firm to announce cuts is Holland & Hart, a firm that made $243,515,000 in gross revenue last year, making it 128th on the Am Law 200.

According to the firm, the equity partnership is expected to take the biggest hit to their compensation: “equity partners’ profit distributions will be reduced such that equity partners will incur the highest percentage reduction in expected compensation over the entire year.” But salaried attorneys are also taking a hit to their paycheck — to the tune of a 15 percent reduction, beginning in June. Employees that make between $60,000 and $99,999 have their compensation reduced by 5 percent, and those making under $60,000 will not be impacted by the reductions. And the employer portion of the 401(k) matching program was suspended.

A spokesperson for the firm had this to say about the austerity measures:

Like many firms, Holland & Hart preemptively implemented compensation reductions at the beginning of June that will allow the firm to weather the continued uncertainty caused by the Coronavirus pandemic and position the firm for success as the economy ultimately improves. The firm may dial back these measures at any time based on its financial performance.

If your firm or organization is slashing salaries, closing its doors, or reducing the ranks of its lawyers or staff, whether through open layoffs, stealth layoffs, or voluntary buyouts, please don’t hesitate to let us know. Our vast network of tipsters is part of what makes Above the Law thrive. You can email us or text us (646-820-8477).

If you’d like to sign up for ATL’s Layoff Alerts, please scroll down and enter your email address in the box below this post. If you previously signed up for the layoff alerts, you don’t need to do anything. You’ll receive an email notification within minutes of each layoff, salary cut, or furlough announcement that we publish.


headshotKathryn Rubino is a Senior Editor at Above the Law, and host of The Jabot podcast. AtL tipsters are the best, so please connect with her. Feel free to email her with any tips, questions, or comments and follow her on Twitter (@Kathryn1).

Effort To Strip Bill Barr Of Honorary Degree Gains Momentum

(Photo by Mark Wilson/Getty Images)

It’s been a few weeks since we first reported an effort on the part of George Washington University Law School faculty to strip Attorney General Bill Barr of his honorary degree — he’d still have his real one — and possibly rename areas of the school named after him. Usually campaigns like these fizzle or run aground on the jagged rocks of timid administrations. George Mason eventually accepted a shady contribution to rename the school ASSLaw over the objections of the Faculty Senate. Unfortunately, the faculty tends to lose these battles.

So it’s encouraging to see that the faculty isn’t letting up on its objections to the school’s continued honoring of Barr’s career and, it seems, it’s paying off.

Most of the GW faculty signed a letter today condemning Barr’s actions which range from the corrupt to the downright incompetent and it came before he tried and failed to force out Geoffrey Berman. And while the letter just calls on him to resign, it can’t be viewed as independent of the early effort to do something within the school about his honorary degree. After some initial informal pushback on the calls to strip the famed alum of his honorary degree, the renewed criticism puts the powers-that-be right back on the spot.

A law school official informed inquiring alumni that the matter has been elevated to the university Board of Trustees and that the school has a tracker on alumni emails about the matter that forwards them to the Board and the Interim Dean. That’s a remarkable sign of engagement from actors that have every vested interest in having this problem go away quietly without crossing a member of the law school’s Board of Advisors.

That said, Barr’s not exactly helping his case.

Earlier: Law School Faculty Wants To Strip Bill Barr Of Degree


HeadshotJoe Patrice is a senior editor at Above the Law and co-host of Thinking Like A Lawyer. Feel free to email any tips, questions, or comments. Follow him on Twitter if you’re interested in law, politics, and a healthy dose of college sports news. Joe also serves as a Managing Director at RPN Executive Search.

Jay Clayton’s Homecoming Plans Hit A Snag

Morning Docket: 06.23.20

(Photo by Dia Dipasupil/Getty Images for BN)

* Lawyers for the estate of the helicopter pilot accused in a lawsuit of causing the crash that killed Kobe Bryant and others wants the case removed from Los Angeles. Pretty sure people know who Kobe Bryant is outside of LA… [Yahoo Sports]

* Lyft has settled a lawsuit filed by the Department of Justice alleging that the ride-sharing service violated the Americans with Disabilities Act. [Tech Crunch]

* The Trump Administration is facing a lawsuit for failing to provide COVID-19 relief money to undocumented families. [Buzzfeed News]

* A lawyer for alt-right figure Richard Spencer has been allowed to withdraw from representing him in a case involving the 2017 Charlottesville violence. [Yahoo News]

* Check out this profile of a top Hollywood lawyer who wheels and deals while walking around 10 miles a day. That’s kind of the opposite of the Lincoln Lawyer… [Wall Street Journal]


Jordan Rothman is a partner of The Rothman Law Firm, a full-service New York and New Jersey law firm. He is also the founder of Student Debt Diaries, a website discussing how he paid off his student loans. You can reach Jordan through email at jordan@rothmanlawyer.com.

Life Is Tough For The Ignorant Too, All Right! — See Also

Flatten the Research Curve

Flatten the Research Curve

Navigate the latest changes to federal and state laws, regulations, and executive orders; ranging from Banking & Finance to Tax, Securities, Labor & Employment / HR & Benefits, and more.

Navigate the latest changes to federal and state laws, regulations, and executive orders; ranging from Banking & Finance to Tax, Securities, Labor & Employment / HR & Benefits, and more.

Biglaw Firm Related To Royalty

(Photo by Peter Morrison-Pool/Getty Images)

Ed. Note: Welcome to our daily feature Trivia Question of the Day!

A founding partner of which Biglaw firm is the great great granduncle of Catherine, Duchess of Cambridge?

Hint: The international law firm has offices in more than 40 countries throughout the Americas, Asia Pacific, Europe, Africa, and the Middle East.

See the answer on the next page.

Shockingly, Law School Named For Affirmative Action Opponent Bad At Race And Diversity

(Photo via Facedbook)

As law schools put together their responses to what has clearly become an historic juncture in the country’s long, ignominious history with race, it’s worth remembering that a law school at a public university went out of its way to rename itself after a guy who thought the Voting Rights Act was a “perpetuation of racial entitlement” and cited debunked theories about black people needing “slower-track school” from the bench. At a moment when most institutions are taking a hard look at their role in the wider landscape of racial injustice, it’s safe to say that ASSLaw is… not.

ASSLaw, of course, is the George Mason University School of Law, which renamed itself the Antonin Scalia School of Law at the behest of a wealthy donor under admittedly shady circumstances without taking a second to consider the truly fitting acronym they’d bestowed upon themselves. They attempted to rebrand as the Antonin Scalia Law School, but by then we’d all embraced the ASSLaw moniker.

And it seems that the school is content to follow their namesake’s lead when it comes to race and diversity.

The school is a mere 2 percent black, an eye-popping number for a public school in Virginia. On a recent conference call discussing the issue, the Dean of Admissions cited the old canard of “high academic standards” as the reason why the school does not have more black students. It’s a justification that would be news to UVA (5.7 percent), Georgetown (9.2 percent), and George Washington (7.8 percent), all demonstrably superior academic institutions that seem to have no problem finding black law students.

In fairness, part of the school’s problem is the name itself. When the school made the shift to align itself ideologically with a jurist who spent his tenure pushing racist, sexist, and homophobic tropes onto the national stage we all knew it would create a self-selection diversity problem as minority students inched away from the barely top 50 program when so many alternatives exist. George Mason’s president, Angel Cabrera, defended the name change at the time with words that were either tragically ironic or nakedly cynical, “We must ensure that George Mason University remains an example of diversity of thought, a place where multiple perspectives can be dissected, confronted, and debated for the benefit and progress of society at large.” What he got was a school systematically erasing actual diversity. But more conservative professors whose scholarship might not land them work elsewhere get to call the school home and that’s a kind of diversity, if a racist one.

But even if the name greatly diminished the pool of black applicants, the attempt to pin the lack of diversity on “high academic standards” hits at the core of the school’s philosophical problem. It’s not just that the school doesn’t seem to care about diversity, it’s that they are quick to blame their own institutional shortcomings on black people themselves. As they see it, ASSLaw hasn’t failed to recruit students… the students failed to be good enough for ASSLaw. It’s an exercise in victim blaming that guarantees the school will remain mired at the bottom of diversity rankings until it undergoes a fundamental mindset shift.

For the minority students still braving the ASSLaw ranks, the school isn’t performing much better. With Eugene Volokh tossing around racial slurs and throwing tantrums when he’s called out for it, you can imagine what a faculty built around Volokh Conspiracy bloggers can get up to. In response to complaints about both professors and students saying unconscionable stuff in class, the school formed a “Classroom Dialogue Committee.” That certainly sounds like a step in the right direction, but we’re hearing that many of the professors on the committee have complaints against them for inappropriate comments. It’s like letting the inmates run the Ayn Rand School for Objectivist Studies.

And since ASSLaw is just Foster’s Home For Right-Wing Troll Friends, the school that can’t find any way to admit more black people did manage to bring in Ginni Thomas’s infamous aide Crystal Clanton who we last caught up with when she was texting co-workers that:

I HATE BLACK PEOPLE. Like fuck them all . . . I hate blacks. End of story.

Despite this being a well-known incident that led to even Turning Point USA distancing themselves from her, ASSLaw admitted Clanton in another display of the school’s deep commitment to promoting an inclusive atmosphere for professional education.

But Clanton has learned to like Clarence Thomas so I guess racism is solved.

At the end of the day, ASSLaw is now the conservative ideology factory that we thought it would be. But George Mason isn’t a private school. A public school that can’t muster a black student body of more than 2 percent in a state that’s roughly 19 percent black is objectively failing at its mission to serve the people of Virginia.

There are definitely bigger issues in Virginia right now than law school administration, but that’s no excuse for continued inaction. Someone in state government needs to step in and be the adult in the room because the stunted adolescence of libertarianism certainly isn’t producing any leadership from within the school. This is the largest public research university in the state! And yet the law school seems more focused on providing a mill for conservative academics to publish hot takes than building the profession.

Fix it.


HeadshotJoe Patrice is a senior editor at Above the Law and co-host of Thinking Like A Lawyer. Feel free to email any tips, questions, or comments. Follow him on Twitter if you’re interested in law, politics, and a healthy dose of college sports news. Joe also serves as a Managing Director at RPN Executive Search.

Biglaw Firm Gets In On the Fight For LGBTQ Rights

The elimination of this definition not only invites health care insurers and providers to discriminate against LGBTQ people seeking health care, but it also introduces substantial confusion among health care providers and insurers regarding their legal obligations and the right of the populations they serve to be free from sex discrimination, particularly in light of the Supreme Court’s decision in Bostock v. Clayton County, Georgia, which held that discrimination based on transgender status or sexual orientation ‘necessarily entails discrimination based on sex.’ However, undeterred from their goal to foster discrimination against LGBTQ people, HHS published the Revised Rule, without any changes, four days after the Supreme Court’s decision in Bostock.

The Revised Rule, if allowed to go into effect, will undermine the progress achieved so far in eradicating health care discrimination against LGBTQ people in a broad array of health care programs and entities by inviting health care insurers and providers once again to discriminate against them, while also discouraging LGBTQ people from seeking health care in the first instance.

—- Excerpt from a complaint filed today in the U.S. District Court for the District of Columbia by attorneys with Steptoe & Johnson and the Lambda Legal Defense and Education Fund challenging the Trump administration rule changing the definition of “sex discrimination” in the Affordable Care Act to exclude transgender people, and citing the Supreme Court’s new decision in Bostock.