The 2020 Biglaw Diversity Scorecard

Year in and year out, we watch law firm after law firm pay lip service to their commitment to diversity in the legal profession, with promises to recruit, retain, and promote more minority attorneys. Despite these continued assurances, and despite the fact that a number of firms have made great efforts to improve the stature of their diverse hires in the law, there is still much more to be done. If there’s ever going to be any real change in the legal industry, diversity has to be more than just a buzzword — it must be a priority at every law firm.

According to the American Lawyer’s 2020 Diversity Scorecard — a ranking that tracks the average number of full-time-equivalent minority attorneys (both partners and nonpartners) at Am Law 200 and National Law Journal 250 law firms — there’s been some progress over the past year, but it’s been slight:

As in years past, the bulk of the minority representation at the top firms lies in their ranks of Asian and Hispanic attorneys. Black partners are vastly underrepresented among the top firms in the scorecard. …

Since 2010, the total share of minority attorneys included in the Diversity Scorecard grew by an average of 0.9 percent each year. This year did not buck the trend: The total share of minority attorneys grew by 0.9 percent, from 16.9 percent to 17.8 percent.

The firm that took top honors this year — Berry Appleman & Leiden — is a newcomer to the list, pushing Fragomen down to second place after a year as the nation’s most diverse firm. Overall, 71 firms had at least 20 percent minority attorneys (an improvement over last year’s numbers, which saw 55 firms meet that benchmark), and seven firms had at least 20 percent minority partners.

Half of Berry Appleman’s attorneys, 49.7 percent, identify as a racial minority, and 22.7 percent of the firm’s partnership are minority attorneys, according to ALM data. Berry Appleman did not respond to a request for comment.

The second-highest scoring firm—immigration shop Fragomen—reports that 35.1 percent of its head count is composed of minority attorneys. Fragomen did report a higher share of minority partners than Berry Appleman, 24.4 percent.

Which law firms are the best for diversity in 2020? Here are the Top 25:

1. Berry Appleman
2. Fragomen
3. Wood Smith
4. White & Case
5. Kobre & Kim
6. Fenwick
7. Cleary Gottlieb
8. Wilson Sonsini
9. Best
10. Morrison & Foerster
11. Curtis
11. Procopio Cory
13. Munger Tolles
14. Irell
15. Debevoise
16. Paul Hastings
17. Knobbe Martens
18. Kasowitz
19. Orrick
20. Finnegan
21. Hanson Bridgett
22. Paul Weiss
23. Fish
24. Davis Polk
25. O’Melveny

Check out the full rankings, as well as a breakout of demographics, at Law.com.

Congratulations to all of the Biglaw firms that are doing their part to move the needle on diversity. For all other firms, the pressure is on to do better — and fast.

The 2020 Diversity Scorecard: Rankings and Demographic Leaders
[American Lawyer]
The 2020 Diversity Scorecard Shows Progress, but It’s More Precarious Than Ever [American Lawyer]


Staci ZaretskyStaci Zaretsky is a senior editor at Above the Law, where she’s worked since 2011. She’d love to hear from you, so please feel free to email her with any tips, questions, comments, or critiques. You can follow her on Twitter or connect with her on LinkedIn.

Biglaw Firms Are Charging How Much? For ASSOCIATES?

(Image via Getty)

The Biglaw price tag is not for the faint of heart. For a while now, the rates for the best Biglaw partners have been over $1,000 an hour, with the top rates at the $2,000 mark. It’s enough to give anyone sticker shock.

But the truth is, it has become increasingly common to have the partners on big cases or deals billing at four-figure rates. The new hotness, as bankruptcy filings have revealed, is charging north of $1,000 for associates.

So, that’s what (senior) associates are really worth at top law firms.

According to Law.com, at least three Biglaw firms have crossed that rubicon. Kirkland & Ellis associates bill up to $1,125 per hour, as disclosed in the Biglaw giant’s work in the Barney’s New York bankruptcy. Skadden, Arps, Slate, Meagher & Flom revealed their $1,000+ associate price tag in the McClatchy newspaper bankruptcy. And in the J. Crew bankruptcy filings, Weil, Gotshal & Manges disclosed associate billing rates in the range of $595 to $1,050.

And you know if these three firms are charging $1,000+ for associates, so are other elite firms.

I guess an unexpected silver lining (albeit a small one) of the rash of bankruptcies we are seeing (and expect to see) is casting more light on the realities of Biglaw billing rates.


headshotKathryn Rubino is a Senior Editor at Above the Law, and host of The Jabot podcast. AtL tipsters are the best, so please connect with her. Feel free to email her with any tips, questions, or comments and follow her on Twitter (@Kathryn1).

Morning Docket: 05.26.20

* A New Jersey judge has ordered a local gym to remain closed for the time being. Guess “gym, tan, laundry” is currently impossible in the Garden State. [NewJersey.com]

* The FBI is reportedly evaluating whether the the shooting of Ahmaud Arbery was a hate crime. [Seattle Times]

* President Trump has said that Jeff Sessions was not “mentally qualified” to be Attorney General. [Guardian]

* A Texas criminal defense lawyer has been arrested for trying to hire an undercover cop to commit murder. [Daily Mail]

* As many of us Empire State lawyers know from firsthand experience, the COVID-19 pandemic has taken a huge toll on everyone involved with the New York courts system. [Daily News]

* A Vermont attorney who pointed a gun at a store clerk due to social distancing restrictions has been suspended from practice. [CBS News]

* Mets pitcher Noah Syndergraard is being sued by his landlord for missing payments on his $27,000-a-month New York City duplex. Maybe Syndergraard qualifies for unemployment while the Mets aren’t playing, but don’t think it’ll cover his rent… [Yahoo News]


Jordan Rothman is a partner of The Rothman Law Firm, a full-service New York and New Jersey law firm. He is also the founder of Student Debt Diaries, a website discussing how he paid off his student loans. You can reach Jordan through email at jordan@rothmanlawyer.com.

Zimbabwe COVID-19 Lockdown Monitoring Report 24 May 2020 – Day 56 – The Zimbabwean

Excerpts from reports generated by Community Radio Harare have also been incorporated into this report.

3.0       Emerging issues 
           3.1       Lockdown enforcement
A Bulawayo man died in the early hours of 24 May 2020 after having been shot by police.   Paul Munakopa (35) from Matsheumhlope in Bulawayo, died at United Bulawayo Hospitals (UBH) where he had been rushed for treatment. The deceased is said to have been in a suspiciously parked car in Malindela suburb of Bulawayo when he was approached by police who were with the community’s neighbourhood watch committee who were driving a Toyota Prado.  He is said to have taken off at high speed resulting in a high-speed chase with the police.  Police then shot at the deceased’s motor vehicle injuring Munakopa who was then taken to the hospital where he succumbed from the injuries sustained when he was shot. Police promised to issue a statement on the shooting.

Law enforcement officers have intensified the enforcement of the national lockdown nationally. Reports from various community members nationally point to an increase in police patrols. The intensified enforcement of the national lockdown follows the increase in vendors and informal traders defying the national lockdown. At Makoni Shopping Centre in Chitungwiza, running battles between police officers and vendors were observed. It was reported that vendors ignored the directive and the police to disperse from various vending sites at Makoni Shopping Centre. Following the defiance, the police had to use teargas to displace the defiant vendors.

At Huruyadzo in Chitungwiza, it was also reported that police officers harassed and intimidated vendors, informal traders and community members who had been interviewed by journalists on the current state of affairs in the country. The community members were harassed for expressing their displeasure towards the government particularly relating to the continuous increase in prices of basic commodities and the unavailability of water.

In, Highfield in Harare, it was reported that vendors and informal traders at Gazaland Shopping Centre and Mastones Complex vendors were paying bribes of up to USD5 to police officers to allow them to go about their business. It was alleged that police officers were soliciting for bribes from vendors and combi drivers who have resurfaced in the area for them not to be arrested. In one of the incidents caught on video, police officers were soliciting for a bribe from the motorist who was allegedly driving without wearing a face mask. It was also reported that in Norton, police officers were soliciting for bribes from shop owners to operate freely.

In Damafalls, police officers were spotted at Calf Business Centre encouraging people to wear face masks. However, beerhalls like Mother and Son and Big Fish were open up to 1800 hours. The beerhalls were crowded with patrons who were not observing social distance or drinking alcohol. Similarly in Waterfalls, Jongwe Corner bar was open, though the doors were locked to avoid detection by law enforcement officers.

                   3.2       Right to water
In Bulawayo, residents have expressed concern over the persisting water shortages being experienced in the city. This follows the introduction of a six-day water rationing program by the Bulawayo City Council. The water situation in high-density suburbs has become desperate such that people with private boreholes are selling 20 litres of water for up to ZWL5. Other people have resorted to sinking shallow wells in wetlands. Given the current COVID-19 regulations which require elevated levels of hygiene, community members have constantly raised alarm over the lack of access to potable water.

The rest of the country is not spared from the water crisis. Residence in most high-density suburbs across the country are also experiencing water challenges. In Chitungwiza for example, most households receive tap water once a week. The situation is even worse in Mabvuku and Tafara in Harare where water shortages coupled with dilapidated sewer systems have minimised sources of freshwater since wetlands and most wells are contaminated by waste.

3.3       Mandatory testing and quarantine
The Permanent Secretary in the Ministry of Information, Publicity and Broadcasting Services, Mr Nick Mangwana indicated that the temporary isolation Centre at Mkoba 1 Clinic in Gweru which has a capacity of 20 patients is ready to take for COVID-19 positive patients. He reported that three (3) returnees are already under observation at the centre.

To the increasing cases of confirmed COVID-19 cases in returnees, residents from border tons particularly Plumtree have raised alarm over the increasing numbers of returnees entering the illegally and circumventing mandatory isolation. To date, over 29 people have absconded isolation centres after processing. However, the total number of people who have illegally returned to the country from neighbouring countries cannot be ascertained.

            3.4       Re-opening of academic institutions  
On 22 May, the Minister of Higher and Tertiary Education announced the plans to re-open universities on June 1, mainly for eLearning. However, the Zimbabwe National Students Union (ZINASU) filed an urgent chamber application with the High Court arguing that the eLearning is unfair and discriminatory. ZINASU argued that most students cannot afford data costs or are simply handicapped by poor network connectivity. ZINASU also indicated that most students come from rural areas where there is poor or no network coverage to enable them to access eLearning sites. Many students also come from underprivileged backgrounds and are unable to afford the necessary equipment needed as well as the increased cost of data to enable them to access eLearning material.

On a similar note, the Zimbabwe Teachers Association (ZIMTA) issued conditions that they feel should be met before teachers for primary and secondary schools reopen in mid-June 2020 as reported in the media. According to ZIMTA, all schools should have running water for a minimum of 8 hours during which lessons will be conducted. Class sizes should also be reduced and more teachers employed to allow social distancing in classrooms. Teachers should also be given COVID-19 risk allowance and the government should provide personal protective clothing and sanitisers for all students and teachers. Further, health professionals should also be on standby at every school to respond to possible COVID-19 cases and the government should also develop a roadmap and a guideline which all schools should follow.

4.0       Summary of violations
The table below summarises human rights violations documented by the Forum Secretariat and Forum Members from 30 March to 24 May 2020.

5.0       Conclusion
The Forum is extremely concerned at the death of yet another citizen at the hands of the police.  We call upon the police to thoroughly investigate this shooting.  We continue losing confidence in having the police investigate themselves where there are implicated.  As the Forum, we have previously called on the government to ensure that an independent complaints mechanism for the investigation of complaints against police as envisaged in Section 210 of the Constitution of Zimbabwe is put in place.The increase in corruption and abuse of power by police officers is a worrisome trend. The Forum further calls upon the government and the Zimbabwe Anti-Corruption Commission to investigate these allegations.

The Forum also calls upon the government to consult all relevant stakeholders as the country resumes normal operations. Of concern is the seemingly rushed decision to re-open schools without proper consultations and guidelines for learners and teachers. Bearing in mind the increasing numbers of confirmed COVID-19 cases and community transmissions, in particular, the government should be cautious when reopening critical sectors such as schools and universities. The government should also address the issues of colleges, universities and schools that are currently being used as isolation centres vis a vis the proposed date of reopening of schools.

Abduction saga; Zim journalists to endure weekend in jail – The Zimbabwean

25.5.2020 9:27

Following arrest for violating COVID-19 order

Journalists Samuel Takawira and Frank Chikowore stand with a police detective outside a court in Harare, Zimbabwe, May 23, 2020. (Columbus Mavhunga/VOA)

TWO Zimbabwean journalists will spend the weekend in jail pending the
determination of their application for release from prison custody on
bail.

The two journalists Frank Chikowore, a freelance journalist and Samuel
Takawira, who works for 263Chat appeared before Magistrate Manase
Masiiwa at Mbare Magistrates Court in Harare on Saturday 23 May 2020
after they were arrested on Friday 22 May 2020 by some Zimbabwe
Republic Police members at Parktown Hospital in Waterfalls suburb in
Harare while allegedly filming and interviewing some victims of
abduction and torture currently detained at the medical facility and
charged with contravening section 11(b) of Statutory Instrument 83 of
2020, Public Health (COVID-19 Prevention, Containment and Treatment)
(National Lockdown) Order, 2020.

Prosecutors alleged that Chikowore and Takawira, who were represented
by Paidamoyo Saurombe and Tonderai Bhatasara of Zimbabwe Lawyers for
Human Rights failed or refused without sufficient cause to comply with
any request made or direction given by a police officer when they
allegedly sneaked into the High Dependency Unit at Parktown Hospital
to interview Harare West legislator Joanna Mamombe and MDC Alliance
party youth leaders Cecelia Chimbiri and Netsai Marova, who are
currently hospitalised at the medical facility after they were
abducted and disappeared and tortured by some yet to be identified
people.

Prosecutors charged that Chikowore and Takawira were arrested by
Detective Constable Collin Makore, who was reportedly providing
security at the medical facility for allegedly failing to observe the
social distancing rule between themselves as well as not maintaining
social distancing with the detained victims of abduction and torture.

In their bail application, Saurombe and Bhatasara argued that
Chikowore and Takawira must be released from custody on bail while
prosecutors opposed their freedom bid.

This prompted Magistrate Musiiwa to postpone the matter to Tuesday 26
May 2020, where he will hand down his ruling on the journalists’ bail
application.

Post published in: Featured

On 7th Anniversary of the constitution do not amend but implement and comply – The Zimbabwean

22 May 2020 marks the seventh year of the coming into force of the
Constitution, the highest law that was approved by the majority of
Zimbabweans who voted in the constitutional referendum held in March
2013.

For ZLHR, the seventh anniversary of the Constitution being in 2020 is
not just symbolic but an important opportunity to assess progress in
the implementation of the Constitution, take stock of the achievements
made, the lessons learnt and the challenges that lie ahead in
enhancing a critical foundation to incrementally nurture a democracy
in Zimbabwe.

The enactment of the Constitution was premised on facilitating a
constitutional journey from the shame of the country’s past to the
promise of the future which delivers on its democratic promise and
transformative aspirations.

Since its adoption in 2013, the Constitution has become a symbol of
the hopes and aspirations of Zimbabweans and some citizens have sought
to assert their fundamental rights and freedoms as enshrined in the
‘Declaration of Rights’ and held state and non-state actors to account
for their transgressions in fulfilling their constitutional
obligations.

While the coming into effect seven years ago of the Constitution
signalled the dawn of a new era and a break with the past, an
assessment by ZLHR over the past seven years shows that the “new”
Governance Charter is just a paper tiger as authorities remain
reluctant to fully implement it and continue to wilfully violate its
progressive provisions.
More concerning for ZLHR are the commonplace contraventions of the
Constitution by duty-bearers, with continuing impunity.

Although some laws have been amended or promulgated to align or comply
with the Constitution, a number of gaps still exist.

Of great concern to ZLHR is government’s increasing reliance on
governing through promulgation of subsidiary legislation contained in
a record Statutory Instruments promulgated during the era of the
so-called “new dispensation”.

ZLHR is disconcerted that the Constitution is already being amended
for the second time with the gazetting of Constitutional Amendment
(No.2) Bill 2019, that seeks to consolidate the power of the President
and erode the power of the legislature to effectively exercise checks
and balances on the Executive in certain matters and also has negative
implications on the independence of the judiciary and the
Prosecutor-General amongst other issues.

This rapid amendment of 27 sections of the Constitution is not
reasonably justifiable and undermines the national objectives set out
in Chapter 2 of the Constitution.

It is worrying and shocking that law enforcement authorities continue
to misinterpret and selectively misapply laws to suppress people’s
fundamental freedoms and rights while citizens are brutalised,
abducted, disappeared and tortured in violation of their right to
personal security, the right to human dignity and freedom from torture
or cruel, inhuman or degrading treatment or punishment.

Local authorities and central government continue to contravene
fundamental protections of freedoms and rights to property, freedom of
profession, trade and occupation, provision of health care services,
potable water, and freedom from arbitrary eviction.

ZLHR holds the President of Zimbabwe, including the Ministry of
Justice, Legal and Parliamentary Affairs and other line ministries
accountable for failing in executing their primary responsibility of
ensuring that the Constitution is respected, protected and fully
enforced. These primary duty-bearers must act in a manner that
respects, protects, and upholds the principles and values for which
people voted.

ZLHR wishes to remind the Executive, of the voluntary commitments the
twenty-six (26) member delegation made on behalf of the Government of
Zimbabwe in November 2016, during the United Nations Human Rights
Council Universal Periodic Review during the session that was held in
Geneva, Switzerland. The ‘26-member government delegation’ was led by
the incumbent President, His Excellency Emmerson Dambudzo Mnangagwa,
in his capacity as the Minister of Justice, Legal and Parliamentary
Affairs at that time.

As provided in the Working Group Report during the 34th Session, it is
reported that the Zimbabwe delegation accepted most (noting a few)
recommendations on the Constitution from the following countries;
Australia, Czechia, Egypt, France, German, Ghana, Iran, Ireland,
Italy, Kenya, Netherlands, New Zealand, Republic of Congo, Republic of
Korea, South Africa, Spain, Sweden, Switzerland, Thailand, Togo,
Uganda and United Kingdom. These United Nations (UN) member states
encouraged Zimbabwe to align laws with Constitution, fully implement
and comply with the Constitution.

On its part, over the years, Zimbabwe has also proposed 190
recommendations to other UN member states that have come under review
during the Universal Periodic Review Mechanism. This process is a peer
to peer review by countries on state of compliance with UN human
rights obligations.

On its part, ZLHR will keep demanding enforcement and accountability
for the actions or non-actions of those with obligations to ensure
government’s adherence to the principles of constitutionalism, respect
for the rule of law and human rights treaty obligations. Honest and
firm compliance, respect for constitutionalism and political will is
required if people are to be empowered to assert their constitutional
rights and freedoms.

Therefore, ZLHR calls on the government to;

•    Take urgent action to align the country’s laws with the Constitution
and to make the vision a reality.

•    Urgently implement outstanding legislative reforms and harmonise
laws to the Constitution.

•    Ensure that the attitudes, conduct and behaviour of all state
officials and agencies conform to the standards set out in the
Constitution and that non-state actors are also held to account where
they fail to respect and uphold the Constitution.

•    Foster a culture of constitutionalism through respect for the
supremacy of the Constitution.

•    Ensure that all security services members comply with the provisions
of section 208 of the Constitution which prescribes their conduct and
foster harmony and understanding between them and civilians.

In Zimbabwe, Vital Medicines in Short Supply as Coronavirus Stalls Imports – The Zimbabwean

Jocelyn Chaibva points to locally made hand gel at her pharmacy in Harare, Zimbabwe.
Gamuchirai Masiyiwa, GPJ Zimbabwe

HARARE, ZIMBABWE — At a pharmacy in the Fife Avenue Shopping Center in Zimbabwe’s capital city, patrons roam the store looking for masks, sanitizers and latex gloves.

Stocks have improved in recent weeks, but customers still leave empty-handed because prices have doubled.

Stocking a pharmacy in Zimbabwe was difficult long before the threat of the coronavirus shut down the country on March 30.

Zimbabwe has so far confirmed 56 cases of COVID-19, the disease caused by the coronavirus, and four deaths.

The country relies on India, China and South Africa for nearly all of its medical supply imports, which include drugs and medical consumables such as personal protective equipment, syringes and catheters.

Pharmacist Liberty Zibako says it’s not the lack of hand sanitizer he’s worried about. He says he has many customers who rely on him for blood-pressure and cholesterol medications. With the border to South Africa closed and air traffic to the country severely limited, he’s out of stock.

“I have a number of customers who have been looking for high-blood-pressure drugs like Diovan and atorvastatin for cholesterol, but l no longer have them in stock,” he says, adding that he used to keep large quantities on hand. But after nearly eight weeks of lockdown, his supply has dwindled to nothing.

The lack of those two drugs in particular is leaving many customers vulnerable, Zibako says.

High blood pressure and coronary heart disease are among the leading causes of death in Zimbabwe.

“I do not know when I will be able to restock,” he says.

Zimbabwe’s ongoing economic crisis has left millions jobless and suffering under crippling inflation.

From grocery staples to lifesaving medications, Zimbabweans rely on regional and international imports and informal traders who bring goods across borders for survival. And the coronavirus lockdown has only exacerbated the shortage of basic goods here.

Zimbabwe is not alone in relying on international imports for pharmaceuticals. There are just 375 pharmaceutical manufacturers on the African continent, mostly in northern Africa, for a population of more than 1.3 billion people. By comparison, India has more than 10,500 drug manufacturers and a population of roughly the same size, according to 2019 research by McKinsey & Company, a global management consulting firm.

Zimbabwe, which once manufactured drugs locally, now buys 80% of its medicines and drugs from India, according to a 2019 report from the minister of Health and Child Care.

“Our situation is more fragile because we are so reliant on the rest of the world,” says Dieter Balzer, managing director of KDB Healthcare, a pharmaceutical supplier in Zimbabwe. “Before we used to pick up a phone to talk to someone in South Africa, and they would deliver to you what you need. But this is not the case anymore.”

The coronavirus pandemic has highlighted the country’s reliance on imports, says pharmacy owner Jocelyn Chaibva. She is unable to stock in-demand drugs and high-quality personal protective equipment.

“The future is blurred,” she says. “But we are driven by faith that we can get back on our feet and restart when all this is over.”

Gamuchirai Masiyiwa, GPJ, translated some interviews from Shona.

Debate Over Exhuming Controversial Colonialist from Sacred Site Continues – The Zimbabwean

MATOBO, ZIMBABWE — People come to the Njelele shrine inside a sacred cave on the southwestern edge of Zimbabwe’s Matopos National Park for many reasons.

Unmarried women travel to it hoping to find matrimonial luck.

Politicians come in hopes of winning votes.

Couples struggling to conceive visit to ask their ancestors for help.

Local lore says the shrine even has the power to bring rain.

Tourists come en masse too.

Amid the beauty and power of the shrine and its surrounding Matobo Hills lies a piece of Zimbabwe’s troubled history: the remains of Cecil John Rhodes.

Cecil John Rhodes, a controversial political figure in Zimbabwe, is buried in Matopos National Park, where foreign tourists pay $15 to enter the park and an extra $10 to view the gravesite. Many Zimbabweans want Rhodes’ remains gone.

Vimbai Chinembiri, GPJ Zimbabwe

Rhodes was a controversial 19th-century British businessman, a colonial politician, the founder of the Rhodes scholarship and namesake of the former Rhodesia, now Zimbabwe.

Rhodes was buried here in 1902 – and Evelyn Chiunya, a custodian of culture and history at the Njelele shrine, wants him out.

She is part of a growing chorus of Zimbabweans who want to exhume Rhodes’ body.

Rhodes’ legacy is tethered to Zimbabwe’s complicated history between black and white Zimbabweans.

Calls for his exhumation date back to the early 1980s as Zimbabwe emerged from colonial rule, says historian Phathisa Nyathi. As land owned by British settlers was seized by the new government and given to black Zimbabweans, people began calling for Rhodes’ exhumation too.

As a tourist site within Matopos National Park, his grave is legally protected under the jurisdiction of the National Museums and Monuments of Zimbabwe. For now, authorities have closed the gravesite to tourists in response to the coronavirus. But this temporary closure hasn’t paused the debate over whether to exhume Rhodes’ remains and send them out of the country.

Howard Ncube (left), a tour guide, shares afternoon tea with a British couple atop the Matobo Hills World’s View site. His historical lesson about the life of Cecil John Rhodes includes a description of how the businessman interacted with locals.

Vimbai Chinembiri, GPJ Zimbabwe

Many remember him as a ruthless businessman and colonialist. He founded the De Beers diamond firm, and some historians say his efforts to change laws about voting, land ownership and employment to favor South Africa’s white minority fueled the apartheid movement that began in the mid-20th century. The presence of his gravesite here fuels intense debate about whether the remains of a man perceived to have exploited black Africans for immense wealth belong in today’s Zimbabwe.

Pritchard Zhou, CEO of the Zimbabwe Heritage Trust, is leading the movement to exhume Rhodes. Zhou, 70, says the presence of his remains at Matopos National Park, often known by local residents as Matobo National Park, is an assault on the history and beliefs of Zimbabweans, who suffered torture and abuse from colonialists.

“Rhodes wanted to defile that place; this is why he decided to be buried there,” Zhou says. “Now, our children go there to look at a white man’s grave.”

The movement to exhume Rhodes’ remains is building. An activist group known as Sangano Munhumutapa led the rallying cry. The #RhodesMustFall movement in neighboring South Africa inspired a wave of requests and helped spur an online petition that has collected 212 signatures to date.

Butholezwe Nyathi, regional director for the National Gallery of Zimbabwe in Bulawayo, Zimbabwe’s second-largest city, sympathizes with calls for exhumation on the grounds of culture and dignity. “The most important thing for now is to reinterpret the narrative,” he says. “The monument should be used to tell the story of the evil nature of colonialism, taking away a people’s cultural fabric.”

Tourists make their way to the Rhodes gravesite, also known as World’s View, at sunset. It’s popular with German and British visitors as well as local primary school children on educational visits.

Vimbai Chinembiri, GPJ Zimbabwe

Not everyone agrees with the exhumation movement. Misheck Dube, 80, has lived in Matobo all his life. While he doesn’t approve of Rhodes’ choice of burial site, he wants the country to move on. Dube believes Rhodes was buried there after locals performed certain rituals to appease the ancestors.

“He had a good relationship with the Ndebele chiefs; he cannot have been buried just like that,” he says. “If we exhume him, we risk angering the ancestors or annulling an agreement we have little insight into.”

In his will, Rhodes named Matobo Hills as his preferred burial site. Locals call the hill where Rhodes lies “Malindadzimu,” a Kalanga-language word meaning “where the spirits rest” or “the burial place.”

Despite the ongoing calls for exhumation, there is no political will to support it, Nyathi, the historian, says.

Former President Robert Mugabe was against exhuming Rhodes, suggesting that he was paying taxes through tourism while lying in that grave, Nyathi recalls.

The new government, which ousted Mugabe and took power in 2017, isn’t likely to support exhumation either.

“I do not think any of these calls will be entertained in this new political landscape in Zimbabwe,” Nyathi says. “I do not see Rhodes being exhumed.”

Effie Moyo decorates curios, such as handmade bowls, to sell to tourists who come to Matobo. All of Moyo’s children and extended family are trained in this craft.

Vimbai Chinembiri, GPJ Zimbabwe

More than 32,000 people visited the Rhodes gravesite in 2018, about 4,000 more than the previous year. Foreign nationals made up 17% of visitors in 2018.

Zimbabweans pay 40 Zimbabwean dollars (ZWL) ($1.60) to enter the national park and an additional 25 ZWL ($1.00) to see Rhodes’ grave. Foreign nationals pay $15 for admittance and an extra $10 to view the site.

Steady income and tourism to the site motivates some locals to support the gravesite.

Effie Moyo, 69, sent two of her children to boarding school by selling curios to British and German tourists near Rhodes’ grave. One of her children guides tours.

“I do not want to hear this nonsense about exhuming Rhodes’ grave,” says Moyo, who settled in the area a year after Zimbabwe established independence from colonial rule in April 1980. “Matobo will be poor. The people who are pushing this agenda are not even from this community.”

The balancing rocks at Matobo Hills have been associated with early human occupation, around the Stone Age.

Vimbai Chinembiri, GPJ Zimbabwe

Others say the grave should be left alone and the country should just move forward.

“Exhumation is being reactive; we are just being angry,” says Godfrey Mahachi, executive director of the National Museums and Monuments of Zimbabwe. He believes Rhodes’ gravesite and the National Heroes Acre in Harare, where liberation war heroes are buried, together tell a more complete story about the country’s colonial past. “We owe it to the next generation to have access to this sad chapter in our history.”

Zimbabwe’s land reform areas twenty years on (3) – The Zimbabwean

This blog focuses on Masvingo’s villagised land reform areas (where people have an individual arable plot, live in villages and share communal grazing). Our sites (N=99) are nearby the self-contained schemes in Gutu and Masvingo districts discussed in the last blog in this series, and they share many similarities, with a focus on maize production, combined with horticulture. There are fewer who are accumulating significantly, but there are still many who are doing well.

Households in these sites are slightly younger, with the average age of the household head being 43, and there are fewer women who are the main household head (19%), although 41% of households have a de facto female head due to absent husbands. Today, 47% of household heads have off-farm jobs (some quite informal and part-time), such as trading or being builder), down from 67% earlier. 59% of household heads went to school beyond Form II, while 26% have Master Farmer certificates. Many households (58%) have children in the age range 21-30, and 35% of households have adult children who are out of the country earning money, while 27% have children who have established farms, including through a number of subdivisions (only 2% of households had family members who had gone to other resettlements). While overall, these areas have been successful, there were around 10% of the original sample who had left, mostly returning to communal areas, and the farm had been abandoned, or taken over by another settler.

Average maize production across the 99 households in our survey ranged between 1381 kg and 986 kg in the years between 2017 and 2019, with between 26% and 41% producing more than a tonne. Around 85% regularly applied inorganic fertiliser, and nearly everyone used manure. Maize was combined with some other crops, including groundnuts, some millet, and a few starting up cotton production again after a hiatus due to poor prices. However, as in the nearby self-contained areas, the main income-earning in addition to maize was horticulture, with a third of households earning income from selling vegetables. The average figures hide the variations, however, and there is a significant minority (around a quarter) who are struggling to make ends meet.

Some households, through strategic investments, particularly in water management are increasing production significantly. Mr and Mrs MN, for example, had expanded their home garden plot and had invested in two 5000 litre tanks, and fenced their plot, surrounding their garden and new houses. It looked like a self-contained plot in a village, and intensive horticulture production was being pursued. This combined with maize production in the field around a kilometre away. For some years they had been combining life in nearby Masvingo town with farming in Wondedzo Wares, but had recently decided to commit full-time to farming. Mrs MN explained:

When we first got this plot, we were still living in Masvingo. I had a dress-making business and my husband was in the private transport business, having given up his job as a butcher at TM supermarket in 2008 when the economy was in dire straits. I used to travel as far as Durban selling wedding clothes, bedspreads and cushion covers that I had made. We came once a week, and we had someone here looking after the plot and the cattle, which had grown to a herd of six last year. The guy who we had employed left for South Africa last year, and we decided to move here. We had been investing in the place for some years: boreholes, pumps, fencing and so on. The irrigation system has been in place since 2013-14, but not really working. Now we are going into full production, and I can continue to do wedding dress hire from here, and my husband has his car and can do local transport. We have also got a poultry project, which is building up. We will grow maize, but rainfed production is very risky these days because of the climate, so we are concentrating on irrigation in our home field.

On average households in the villagised A1 areas in Gutu and Masvingo districts owned six head of cattle, and 31% had sold one in the past year, and 23% had sold milk. Informants commented that there was a limit to how many animals could be held because of lack of grazing and most held under ten. Most households balanced cattle sales (for investment, school fees or emergency costs, such as medical fees) with building the herd, and 34% had purchased cattle in the last five years. This meant that 69% used their own cattle for ploughing. However 23% had no cattle at all, and were struggling on all fronts.

On average, because of this more stark differentiation compared to the self-contained areas, the level of farm employment was lower, with 16% employing men permanently and 3% women, and there was more of a focus on temporary employment, with around a third of households regularly employing both men and women for particular tasks. Given that a sizeable group did not have sufficient draft power and did not employ labour, the practice of collective work parties was more evident in these areas, with around 40% of households holding them.

Farm production is combined with a range of off-farm sources, including remittances (48% of households), trading (20%), piece work on others’ farms (27%), welfare payments (35% – for the old, sick, disabled or orphans) and pensions (19%). Quite a few were also making use of natural resources for selling products or making crafts. This was a rather different mix of activities to that seen in the self-contained areas. With a group of perhaps a quarter of households with limited assets and low production, they had to make ends meet across a range of low-skilled and poorly-remunerated activities, including selling labour locally (mostly to other richer A1 farmers). Remittances, pensions and welfare payments featured strongly as complements to agriculture.

As Mrs V explained from Lonely farm, fortunes can change quite dramatically:

We came here originally in 2000 with four cattle. By 2017, we had over 30, but then a terrible disease struck our animals and we lost many. We only have 17 now. Now we don’t have the surplus of milk and meat we had before. That year too, my husband passed away, and we are not doing so well, even though my sons help. We now produce only about a tonne of maize, but before we used to produce four or five tonnes each year, and sell to the Grain Marketing Board. We have access to a vlei (wetland) and it produces good crops, including vegetables, and we have a pump and sell the produce. There’s a huge market when the AFM (Apostolic Faith Mission) gathers. If you are well organised, you can make a killing! In those days we bought scotch carts, ploughs and built our homes. We employ labour from the nearby communal areas, and pay them in cash or kind. Even though we were old, we were doing well! Kids went to boarding school, then colleges and universities. Our quality of life had improved massively.

Even if not on the scale of those in the self-contained resettlements, around half of the sample were regularly producing surpluses and investing, ‘accumulating from below’. Many were selling food to nearby communal areas, or exchanging for labour. In the past five years, 36% of households had bought ploughs, 26% had dug boreholes (especially for vegetable gardens), 17% had bought cars and 50% had invested in solar panels. In other words, a highly differentiated population is observed – some doing well, others less so. For the next generation, subdivision of land is important, as is education in order to find jobs, often abroad.

Several informants commented on how things are developing within the area:

We don’t have to go to Chatsworth now. There are shops here, and a grinding mill. There’s a clinic at Bath farm, and since we are near the communal area, there are other shops and there’s a mini-township there that’s sprung up to service the resettlement area. Things are coming up because of land reform.

People are building beautiful houses here. Even better than town. People have electricity from solar, and some have even connected to ZESA; all paid for by irrigation and selling vegetables. When we came here we had to buy drinking water, but now nearly everyone has a borehole. In our local township there were originally no shops, but now there are nine grocery stores, two bottle stores/bars, two butcheries, two welding shops and two grinding mills.

However, several also commented on declines in environmental conditions. The large vlei at Lonely is drier than it once was, and everyone complained of poor and variable rainfall. Soils are not as good as they once were, and investing in improvements – digging infiltration pits, establishing boreholes and careful ploughing to conserve soil – are all important.

By comparison with the more remote self-contained areas where access is difficult, the state is more present in the A1 villagised areas. There is now a clinic, a school and there is a visible presence of extension workers, vets and others. “Yes, the government has helped us”, one informant explained. What they were wanting though is greater clarity from the government on who is in charge. One informant exclaimed:

We are confused, everything is not functioning. The chiefs are fighting over the land, and the MP is not helping. Some people support Chikwanda, others support Musara. Plots are allocated by different chiefs, and we have competing authorities. We marched to Masvingo a few years ago, and demanded that the district administrator sort things out. This was disturbing development, as conflicts occur. Conflicts are a problem: we have to go to meetings nearly every day!

Overall though over 20 years, conditions have improved, and life is easier than it was when the land was invaded, with facilities and connections improved. With the villagised set-up on the surface these areas look more like the communal areas – but with larger land areas, production is higher and the possibilities for accumulation and investment are there. Unlike in the communal areas where good houses are the result of jobs and remittances, in the resettlements, investments come from farming, making agricultural marketing crucial. When asked about the next 20 years, most people said that if it rains, things will be fine, but if not then irrigation, zero grazing and fodder feeding of animals will be essential. This they said will make it easier to share small areas of land with the next generation, which is a continual concern a generation on from land reform.

This post was written by Ian Scoones and first appeared on ZimbabwelandLed by Felix Murimbarimba, the Masvingo team is: Moses Mutoko, Thandiwe Shoko, Tanaka Murimbarimba, Liberty Tavagwisa, Tongai Murimbarimba, Vimbai Museva, Jacob Mahenehene, Tafadzwa Mavedzenge (data entry) and Shingirai, the driver. Thanks to the research team, ministry of agriculture officials and the many farmers who have supported the work over the years.

Post published in: Agriculture

Abduction, torture of activists: Are Zimbabwe’s dark days back? – The Zimbabwean

Zimbabwean opposition leader Nelson Chamisa speaks with journalists outside a hospital in Harare on May 15, 2020. PHOTO | AFP

In Summary

  • In March, the US blacklisted Zimbabwe’s State Security minister Owen Ncube over allegations that he ordered security agents to abduct and torture government critics.
  • Zimbabwe’s ambassador to Tanzania Anselem Sanyatwe was also blacklisted for allegedly directing soldiers to shoot protestors during demonstrations after the 2018 elections.
  • In their strongest rebuke since President Mnangagwa took over, church leaders said mistreatment of critics had reached alarming levels.

Zimbabwean authorities are fighting an image-damaging incident in which three female opposition activists were reportedly pulled from a police station and tortured.

The three women had staged a protest against food shortages that had worsened by a six-week lockdown to fight the coronavirus.

The beatings were so bad that mainstream opposition party, the MDC Alliance, appealed to the United Nations and the Southern African Development Community (SADC) for protection, saying its members are under siege.

The three, Zimbabwe’s youngest MP Joan Mamombe, and Cecilia Chimbiri as well as Netsai Marova, who are leaders of the opposition MDC Alliance’s youth wing, were found two days later dumped by the road 80 kilometres north of Harare.

Western embassies on Wednesday called for a swift investigation into the alleged abduction while urging the political protagonists in Zimbabwe to deescalate the tensions.

“The perpetrators of heinous acts of this kind and other human rights violations need to be identified and prosecuted,” the embassies said in a joint statement signed by envoys from the European Union, United Kingdom, United States, Norway and Switzerland.

CRITICISM

In their strongest rebuke yet of President Emmerson Mnangagwa since he took over in 2017, church leaders said abductions of government critics had reached alarming levels.

“It is deeply disturbing that the country has seen so many cases of abductions in the last few months, most of which have not been conclusively investigated,” the Zimbabwe Heads of Christian Denominations (ZHOCD) said.

At least 50 opposition and civic society activists have been abducted and tortured since President Mnangagwa won a controversial election two years ago.

Initially the government blamed the abductions on an alleged third force comprised of disgruntled security agents from the previous Mugabe regime, but of late the authorities dismiss them as stunts by the opposition to attract the attention of the international community.

The latest incident, however, has alarmed even some of President Mnangagwa’s staunchest supporters, including some of his advisers.

“We must end these bizarre abductions and inconclusive investigations into these cases,” said Busisa Moyo, a presidential adviser.

“The state is responsible for the welfare of citizens,” Mr Moyo added.

Another presidential adviser, Shingi Munyeza, apologised to the opposition activists whom he said were victims of an evil system.

Mr Munyeza, who is part of a panel established to advise the president after his controversial election, has been using social media to denounce the government for human rights violations.

Nelson Chamisa, the MDC Alliance leader, appealed to the international community to intervene in Zimbabwe saying President Mnangagwa was using the Covid-19 induced lockdown to crush the opposition.

Last Saturday, the Zimbabwean leader said the country would be on a lockdown for an indefinite period as it was yet to deal effectively with the Covid-19 outbreak, but the opposition said it was an excuse to rule by decree.

The MDC Alliance has since written to the UN special rapporteur on torture and other cruel, inhuman and degrading treatment of punishment, Nils Melzer, asking for an investigation into the abduction of the activists.

“This particular abduction is not isolated as the MDC Alliance has recorded 49 abductions by state agents outside the latest case since August 2019,” wrote Gladys Hlatshwayo, the party’s secretary for external affairs.

SCOT-FREE

“In January 2019, 17 women were sexually assaulted by members of the military.

“These violations are happening with impunity as no investigations are carried out and perpetrators are not held to account.”

The Zimbabwe Human Rights Commission (ZHRC), a quasi-government body, called for investigations into the mounting cases of abductions.

Muleya Mwananyanda, Amnesty International’s deputy director for east and southern Africa, said it was strange for Zimbabwean police to deny reports that they initially arrested the tortured activists.

“It is deeply alarming that the state claims that it never had the women in custody when they were arrested at a roadblock run by both the police and the military,” Ms Mwananyanda said.

Home Affairs Minister Kazembe Kazembe said he had ordered the commissioner-general of police to launch an investigation to “establish what transpired, who did what, and the motive behind the actions.”

In the past two years Zimbabwe’s security forces have been accused of abducting and torturing government critics following protests over the deteriorating economic situation in the country.

Abductions and enforced disappearance of government critics were also common during Robert Mugabe’s reign.

Post published in: Featured