It’s
hard
to
tell
if
Rudy
Giuliani
is
playing
dumb,
or
if
he’s
lost
his
everloving
mind.
How
else
to
explain
the
guy
who
used
to
run
the
Southern
District
of
New
York
telling
a
federal
judge
that
he
didn’t
turn
over
his
emails
in
discovery
because
he
didn’t
consider
them
“communications”?
Plaintiffs’
lawyer
Larsen:
Do
you
see
this
request
regarding
travel
between
January
2020
and
the
present,
all
physical
or
electronic
calendars? Giuliani:
I
do. Larsen:
And
you
said
assistants
kept
it
on
notes
and
discarded
them? Giuliani:
I’ve
done
that
for
years
Giuliani
hoped
to
fend
off
sanctions
and
a
contempt
finding
in
the
$148
million
collection
action
filed
by
Ruby
Freeman
and
Shaye
Moss,
the
Atlanta
poll
workers
he
defamed.
He
failed
at
both.
Last
week
his
lawyer
Joe
Cammarata,
Staten
Island
divorce
lawyer
to
the
stars,
tried
to
convince
Judge
Lewis
Liman
to
let
Rudy
appear
remotely
due
to
“medical
issues
with
his
left
knee
and
breathing
problems
due
to
lung
issues
discovered
last
year
attributable
to
Defendant
Rudolph
W.
Giuliani
being
at
the
World
Trade
Center
site
on
September
11,
2001.”
This
request
went
over
about
as
well
as
his
November
petition
to
postpone
the
January
16
trial
so
Rudy
could
spend
that
week
in
DC
attending
inauguration
parties.
Which
is
to
say
that
the
judge
ordered
him
to
get
his
ass
into
court
last
Friday
and
explain
himself,
although
he
was
allowed
to
attend
Monday’s
hearing
remotely.
Giuliani’s
task
was
to
persuade
the
court
that
he
really
did
comply
with
his
discovery
obligations,
as
well
as
the
turnover
order
obliging
him
to
disgorge
his
worldly
possessions
to
Freeman
and
Moss.
The
problem
is
that
…
he
didn’t.
With
respect
to
discovery,
he
turned
over
a
handful
of
emails,
while
conceding
that
he
refused
to
let
his
prior
counsel
look
at
his
phone.
He
failed
to
object
to
interrogatories
and
instead
simply
refused
to
answer.
And
he
said
he
had
no
record
of
his
calendar
—
despite
the
issue
for
trial
being
his
claim
that
he
lives
in
Florida
and
is
entitled
to
claim
the
homestead
exception
for
his
Palm
Beach
condo.
Giuliani:
When
I
was
a
lawyer
my
secretary
would
keep
a
detailed
calendar.
I
don’t
do
it
anymore.
I
just
have
notes
on
the
wall,
then
I
throw
them
out.
I
thought
it
was
inappropriate
you
ask
for
all
my
doctors,
it
was
not
relevant- Judge:
You
don’t
determine
that
As
for
the
turnover
order,
Giuliani
admitted
that
he’d
failed
to
clear
the
title
for
the
New
York
co-op
or
his
Mercedes,
purporting
to
be
flummoxed
by
the
Florida
DMV.
His
come-and-take-it
stance
on
his
bank
accounts
went
over
like
a
lead
balloon.
And
he
waved
one
of
the
watches
he’d
been
ordered
to
hand
over
at
the
camera,
claiming
that
he
didn’t
know
how
to
get
it
to
the
plaintiffs
because
he
didn’t
want
to
put
it
in
the
mail.
Cammarata:
It’s
not
noncompliance,
it’s
dealing
with
an
administrative
agency.
No
one
here
wants
to
deal
with
the
DMV Judge:
It’s
not
difficult. Plaintiffs’
lawyer
Nathan:
We
wanted
a
trial.
Adverse
inferences
are
appropriate
here.
From
the
bench,
Judge
Liman
granted
the
plaintiffs’
motion
for
contempt
of
the
turnover
order,
but
said
he
needed
time
to
craft
an
appropriate
sanction.
As
for
discovery,
he
ruled
that
Rudy
was
totally
out
of
compliance
and
granted
the
request
for
an
adverse
inference
as
to
two
unanswered
interrogatories.
Interrogatory
No.
4:
Identify
any
financial,
medical,
or
legal
professional
or
firm
whom
you
have
consulted
during
the
period
of
January
1,
2020,
through
the
present.
Interrogatory
No.
8:
Identify
all
email
accounts,
messaging
accounts,
and
phone
numbers
that
You
have
used
during
the
period
January
1,
2023,
through
the
present.
Giuliani
will
now
be
barred
from
pointing
to
any
communications
or
financial,
medical,
or
legal
appointments
to
bolster
his
claim
that
he
actually
lives
in
Florida.
And
while
that’s
not
a
default
judgment
on
the
homestead
issue,
it
will
be
very
hard
for
Giuliani
to
point
to
anything
other
than
his
[cough]
indifferently
credible
testimony,
since
he’s
offered
up
zero
documents
and
his
dimwit
henchmen,
whom
he
planned
to
call
as
witnesses,
also
failed
to
comply
with
discovery.
It’s
not
clear
what
will
happen
if
Rudy
loses
the
case
next
week
and
has
to
turn
over
the
Florida
condo.
His
prior
counsel,
who
withdrew
in
November
because
their
client
refused
to
hand
over
his
phone
so
they
could
search
it
for
responsive
emails,
tried
to
build
in
a
backdoor.
They
argued
in
the
alternative
that,
if
the
Florida
claim
was
rejected,
Rudy
should
be
able
to
shield
his
condo
in
Manhattan
—or
whatever
portion
of
it
New
York
law
permits.
But
having
testified
that
he
affirmatively does
not
live
there,
and
having
handed
the
place
over
to
Freeman
and
Moss,
that
ship
seems
to
have
already
sailed.
Musina,
South
Africa
– Every
day,
Fadzai
Musindo
walks
across
the
border
between
Zimbabwe
and
South
Africa
–
sometimes
via
the
official
border
post
but
usually
by
taking
the
more
dangerous
informal
route.
Streams
of
men,
women
and
children
regularly
cross
the
bridge
separating
the
two
countries,
but
for
the
43-year-old
mother
of
three,
it
is
a
necessity
so
she
can
earn
enough
to
fend
for
her
children.
Musindo
works
as
a
“runner”,
physically
carrying
goods
into
Zimbabwe
for
people
who
shop
in
South
Africa
and
need
their
wares
transported
to
the
other
side.
Amid
Zimbabwe’s
ailing
economy
and
scarcity
of
certain
items,
the
job
has
become
popular.
But
using
the
formal
Beitbridge
border
post
presents
more
challenges
and
expenses
than
solutions
for
Musindo.
“I
need
to
save
the
pages
on
my
passport
so
I
can’t
stamp
every
day.
If
I
did
that,
I
would
have
to
buy
a
passport
every
year,
I
can’t
do
that,”
she
said,
determined
to
put
off
paying
the $150
fee for
a
replacement
travel
document
for
as
long
as
possible.
Advertisement
So
to
make
it
across
to
South
Africa
and
back,
Musindo
walks
to
the
banks
of
the
Limpopo
River,
one
of
the
largest
in
Africa,
where
groups
of
young
men
known
as
goma-gomas
smuggle
people
over
for
a
small
fee.
The
crossing
is
technically
illegal,
and
dangerous
–
with
irregular
migrants
at
risk
of
being
raped
or
robbed.
But
Musindo
says
she
walks
with
other
women
to
avoid
the
risks.
“If
we
walk
as
a
group,
nothing
will
happen
to
us
because
we
are
many,”
she
explained
about
her
daily
journeys
made
with
a
bundled-up
cloth
on
her
head,
carrying
groceries
and
household
items
for
her
clients.
“People
don’t
bother
us
because
we
work
here
every
day.
The
soldiers
know
who
we
are
so
when
they
see
us
passing,
they
let
us
go,”
she
claimed.
Once
across,
Musindo
uses
the
legal
walkways.
But
through
the
bush
and
across
the
crocodile-infested
Limpopo,
the
5km
(3-mile)
stretch
is
uncertain
terrain.
The
goma-gomas
promise
they
can
evade
the
police
and
soldiers
patrolling
the
bushes
along
the
river,
but
since
South
Africa’s
army
(SANDF)
launched
a
new
border
safeguarding
operation
last
year,
many
are
more
worried
than
before.
On
patrol
Deployed
under
the
SANDF’s
Operation
Corona,
groups
of
soldiers
with
rifles
in
hand,
patrol
along
the
233km
(145-mile)
Limpopo
border
on
the
lookout
for
smugglers
and
people
crossing
illegally.
On
a
patrol
in
late
November,
the
soldiers
camouflaged
themselves
in
the
surrounding
grassland,
waiting
to
see
who
would
cross.
Eventually,
two
young
men
passed
by,
leading
a
group
of
three
women
and
a
child
through
the
bush;
not
far
behind,
a
few
more
young
men
followed
their
bush
guides
into
South
Africa.
Advertisement
But
as
the
soldiers
appeared
from
the
tall
grass,
the
young
men
ran
away,
leaving
the
group
at
the
army’s
mercy.
A
pregnant
woman
was
caught
and
taken
into
custody
by
the
soldiers.
The
mother
of
the
young
boy
managed
to
flee
back
to
the
no
man’s
land
between
Zimbabwe
and
South
Africa,
but
her
son
and
friend
were
apprehended
and
made
to
sit
on
the
surrounding
rocks
until
a
car
came
to
escort
them
to
the
border.
A
pregnant
Zimbabwean
migrant,
apprehended
by
a
soldier
during
a
military
patrol,
who
will
be
deported
back
to
Zimbabwe;
human
rights
groups
have
expressed
concern
about
the
Border
Management
Authority’s
swift
deportation
of
children
and
pregnant
women
[Tendai
Marima/Al
Jazeera]
For
those
who
ran
away
on
foot,
Major
Shihlangoma
Mahlahlane,
who
leads
the
joint
technical
operation
for
Operation
Corona,
explained
that
the
SANDF
cannot
pursue
them.
“In
the
middle
of
the
river,
it’s
no
man’s
land
that’s
where
it
divides
Zimbabwe
and
South
Africa
so
when
we
chase
them
away
they
know
we
can’t
do
anything,”
Mahlahlane
said.
“We
need
to
stop
and
come
back
otherwise
we
will
engage
with
the
Zimbabwean
authorities.
There
is
nothing
we
can
do
about
it.”
The
enhanced
border
operation,
which
began
in
September
and
will
run
until
the
end
of
April,
covers
South
Africa’s
borders
with
Botswana,
Mozambique
and
Zimbabwe.
The
SANDF
says
since
it
started,
fewer
undocumented
travellers
have
been
taking
the
risk
of
crossing
through
informal
means,
even
though
smuggled
goods
remain
a
problem.
However,
many
still
take
a
chance.
Advertisement
Technical
challenges
for
law
enforcement
have
also
created
opportunities
for
smugglers.
In
2020,
a
40km
(25-mile)
fence
was
erected
between
South
Africa
and
Zimbabwe
at
a
cost
of
$2.1m
–
but
sections
have
since
been
cut.
Despite
efforts
to
reinstall
the
boundary,
there
are
gaping
holes
in
the
stretch
of
barbed
wire.
A
holey
fence,
combined
with
a
seasonally
dry
river
allows
people
to
brave
crossing,
officials
say.
Causing
‘distress’
Across
Limpopo’s
sandy
banks
at
night,
the
goma-gomas
light
fires
to
keep
warm
and
send
signals
to
other
crossers
about
where
to
come
and
wait.
They
bide
their
time
until
the
next
chance
to
make
the
crossing
with
more
people
emerges.
But
those
taken
into
custody
by
the
army
face
a
different
fate.
Immigration
officials
will
send
them
back
to
Zimbabwe,
but
Major
Mahlahlane
fears
that
even
if
they
get
deported,
they
may
come
back
again
in
the
hope
of
seeking
better
opportunities.
“Pregnant
women
cross
into
South
Africa
and
after
they
give
birth
they
try
to
have
their
child
registered
as
a
South
African,
so
they
can
try
to
obtain
the
child
grant,”
he
said.
But,
while
public
hospital
facilities
in
South
Africa
are
far
better
than
those
in
Zimbabwe,
accessing
the
monthly
grant
of
530
rand
($29)
per
child
in
South
Africa
is
not
an
automatic
process
even
for
single
South
African
mothers.
Major
Shihlangoma
Mahlahlane
speaks
at
a
monument
to
Alfred
Beit,
the
architect
of
the
Beit
Bridge
between
Zimbabwe
and
South
Africa
[Tendai
Marima/Al
Jazeera]
The
South
African
Border
Management
Authority
(BMA),
set
up
in
April
2023
to
improve
border
control,
has
deported
and
arrested
more
than
410,000
people
at
different
sites
since
a
new
coalition
government
came
to
power
in
May
last
year.
The
government,
made
up
of
11
parties
that campaigned on
curbing
migration,
has
promised
to
speed
up
deportations
as
some
cases
take
months
to
resolve.
However,
Loren
Landau,
a
professor
at
the
African
Centre
for
Migration
and
Society
at
the
University
of
Witwatersrand
in
Johannesburg,
which
produces
academic
research
on
migration
trends
across
the
continent,
cautions
that
the
fast-track
removals
of
irregular
migrants
could
create
other
problems.
“Part
of
the
BMA’s
mandate
is
to
ensure
people
move
out
of
South
Africa
quickly
and
when
they
are
deported
quickly
they
don’t
have
access
to
social
workers
or
lawyers,
families
get
separated
and
it
causes
more
distress.
Advertisement
“Often
people
come
back
and
instead
of
using
the
trusted
routes
people
tend
to
go
underground
which
could
be
far
more
dangerous
for
vulnerable
people
and
minors,”
Landau
told
Al
Jazeera.
A
bus-to-bus,
car-to-car
operation
On
the
other
side
of
the
Limpopo,
the
Zimbabwean
government
has
launched
a
crackdown
on
smugglers
and
illicit
goods
brought
in
by
buses,
private
cars
and
trucks.
According
to
Tafadzwa
Muguti,
the
secretary
for
presidential
affairs
and
devolution,
a
task
force
which
includes
the
Zimbabwe
Revenue
Authority
(ZIMRA),
immigration
and
the
police
will
search
all
vehicles
crossing.
Anyone
who
cannot
account
for
their
goods
will
have
them
confiscated
and
penalties
for
those
who
contravene
import
regulations.
He
said
the
operation
intensified
over
the
recent
festive
season,
“a
period
when
smuggling
activity
often
peaks
as
Zimbabwean
expatriates
returning
home
are
known
to
bring
goods
that
evade
customs
duty,
exacerbating
the
challenges
faced
by
local
manufacturers”.
The
Beitbridge
border,
one
of
Africa’s
busiest,
sees
more
than
13,000
travellers
and
more
than
400
buses
crossing
daily.
Alongside
the
regular
movement,
people
and
goods
are
smuggled
in
and
out
of
South
Africa
daily.
ZIMRA
estimates
Zimbabwe
has
lost
up
to
$1bn
in
undeclared
import
revenue,
so
the
tax
agency
officials
search
each
border
transporter.
But
the
operation
has
caused
lengthy
delays
at
the
busy
border,
frustrating
those
travelling
for
the
festive
season.
A
soldier
on
standby
as
people
returning
to
Zimbabwe
with
goods,
cross
the
Beitbridge
border
from
South
Africa
[Tendai
Marima/Al
Jazeera]
Always
another
way
For
Musindo,
however,
the
border
operation
has
meant
further
delays
to
her
work
as
a
runner,
as
it
has
cut
off
the
possibility
of
using
faster,
alternative
means
to
make
the
crossing.
Advertisement
“When
it’s
like
this,
I
can
wait
more
than
five
hours
in
the
queue
[at
the
border
post]
with
someone’s
luggage;
on
some
days
it
can
be
even
longer,
so
even
though
the
border
can
be
full
with
people,
in
a
day
I
can
get
200
rand
[$11]
if
I’m
lucky
to
carry
for
two
customers,”
she
lamented.
Being
stuck
in
long
queues
can
be
frustrating
for
travellers,
but
for
Musindo,
waiting
for
hours
while
people
wade
through
the
queues
to
get
their
passports
stamped
means
she
earns
less
money
as
more
time
is
spent
waiting.
Though
crossing
via
the
Limpopo
River
is
riskier,
it
takes
just
45
minutes,
she
says.
Aware
of
the
dangers,
Musindo
does
not
always
use
the
informal
route
but
says
when
the
border
is
full,
she
can
go
back
and
forth
across
the
river
three
times
a
day,
instead
of
only
once
at
the
official
post.
“It’s
better
when
there
are
no
delays,
I
get
much
more
[money];
but
for
now
there
is
no
other
way,”
she
explained.
Meanwhile,
in
the
bushes
of
the
Limpopo,
more
South
African
forces
are
on
patrol,
clamping
down
on
movement.
“Because
the
river
is
dry,
people
are
exploiting
the
gaps.
They
will
not
focus
on
the
point
of
entry,
but
they
would
rather
come
and
exploit
a
gap,”
said
Major
Mahlahlane.
At
times,
the
river
is
seasonally
dry
and
more
so
due
to
the
drought,
but
the
onset
of
the
rains
has
not
deterred
people.
He
added
that
the
army
is
not
concerned
about
Zimbabweans
who
are
in
South
Africa
legally.
“There
will
be
more
security
forces
along
the
border
…
but
we
are
focusing
on
illegal
activity.”
Advertisement
Some
South
African
villages
along
the
Limpopo
River
are
also
complicit
in
the
illegal
ferrying
of
goods
using
donkey
carts,
he
said.
Cigarettes
are
common
contraband
that
goes
into
the
South
African
market.
The
steep
import
levies
charged
by
South
Africa
make
smuggling
a
lucrative
option
for
those
looking
to
evade
duties.
Since
Operation
Corona
began,
more
than
8
million
rand
($500,000)
worth
of
cigarettes
have
been
seized
along
border
settlements,
officials
said.
People
walk
across
into
no
man’s
land
near
the
Limpopo
River
between
Zimbabwe
and
South
Africa
[Tendai
Marima/Al
Jazeera]
‘The
issue
is
not
at
the
border’
However,
permanently
clamping
down
on
illicit
trade
could
be
difficult
for
South
Africa
as
the
runners
and
goma-gomas
who
have
crossed
the
river
route
for
decades
could
find
other
paths.
“Whenever
we
invest
in
more
border
security
there
is
a
race
with
smugglers,
the
more
we
securitise,
the
more
sophisticated
people
become
in
getting
their
goods
across,
they
will
always
find
other
means,”
Landau
told
Al
Jazeera.
Reducing
irregular
migration
in
the
long
term
requires
a
multifaceted
approach,
according
to
James
Chapman,
head
of
advocacy
at
the
Scalabrini
Center,
a
non-profit
organisation
that
protects
migrants
and
refugee
rights.
“Border
management
requires
a
sustainable,
multipronged
approach
…
in
a
manner
that
is
in
keeping
with
fundamental
human
rights
and
South
Africa’s
legal
framework.”
However,
Landau
maintains
border
control
is
a
political
issue,
with
xenophobia
having
spurred
waves
of
attacks
on
foreigners
in
the
past.
He
argues
the
main
challenge
is
not
migration,
but
the
state
of
South
Africa’s
poor
urban
areas.
Advertisement
“A
long-term
solution
depends
on
what
the
problem
is
and
where
it
is,
the
issue
is
not
at
the
border,
the
problem
is
in
the
cities,
in
townships
that
have
been
overtaken
by
criminal
gangs
and
addressing
that
issue
is
key,”
he
said.
Crime
and
inequality
are
pervasive
issues
in
post-apartheid
South
Africa
and
in
marginalised
communities,
African
foreigners
are
often
the
target
of
public
frustration.
Despite
the
xenophobic
backlash,
many
Africans
still
see
the
continent’s
most
industrialised
economy
as
their
potential
path
to
a
better
life.
Despite
army
patrols
heightened
along
Limpopo’s
sandy
marshes
and
the
high
risk
of
being
caught
as
an
undocumented
person,
with
the
start
of
another
year,
new
groups
of
Zimbabweans
are
considering
going
to
South
Africa
to
escape
their
country’s
economic
woes.
Meanwhile,
for
daily
border
workers,
Musindo
feels
taking
a
chance
to
cross
under
the
bridge
is
better
than
waiting
in
the
long
queues
that
cut
down
the
amount
of
money
she
is
able
to
earn
for
her
family.
“I
need
to
work
as
much
as
I
can
because
in
January
my
children
need
to
go
back
to
school.
The
soldiers
might
try
to
stop
people,
but
what
can
I
do?
This
is
the
only
way
I
can
use,”
she
said,
before
disappearing
back
into
the
moving
crowds.
During
the
summit,
the
Troika
acknowledged
the
gravity
of
the
ongoing
post-election
insecurity
in
Mozambique.
They
highlighted
that
this
instability
not
only
poses
a
significant
threat
to
national
stability
but
also
has
far-reaching
repercussions
for
regional
trade
and
security
dynamics.
The
Troika
expressed
deep
concern
regarding
the
potential
implications
of
this
turmoil
on
the
broader
Southern
African
Development
Community
(SADC)
region,
which
could
adversely
affect
cooperation
and
unity
among
member
states.
The
convening
of
this
summit
followed
considerable
advocacy
and
pressure
from
various
regional
civil
society
organizations.
In
December
2024,
the
Coalition,
alongside
other
regional
organizations
and
coalitions,
launched
a
fact-finding
mission
in
Mozambique.
The
aim
was
to
assess
the
situation
on
the
ground
and
collaboratively
urged
the
Southern
African
Development
Community
(SADC)
to
take
prompt
action
by
organizing
a
meeting
of
the
Organ
on
Politics,
Defence
and
Security
Cooperation.
The
emphasis
was
placed
on
the
urgent
necessity
for
dialogue
and
conflict
resolution
within
Mozambique.
The
petition
highlighted
the
importance
of
SADC
leveraging
its
existing
mechanisms,
such
as
the
Panel
of
Elders,
to
directly
engage
with
various
stakeholders,
including
government
representatives
and
civil
society
organizations
in
Mozambique.
In
response
to
this
call
for
action,
SADC
demonstrated
its
responsiveness
by
mandating
the
SADC
Panel
of
Elders.
This
panel,
supported
by
the
Ministerial
Committee
of
the
Organ
(MCO)
comprising
Troika
member
states—namely
Malawi,
Zambia,
and
the
United
Republic
of
Tanzania—and
the
SADC
Secretariat,
has
been
empowered
to
engage
with
the
Government
of
Mozambique
and
key
opposition
leaders
to
assess
and
navigate
the
challenging
post-election
environment.
A
comprehensive
report
on
their
findings
and
recommendations
is
to
be
submitted
to
the
Chairperson
of
the
SADC
Organ
by
15
January
2025.
The
Crisis
in
Zimbabwe
Coalition
firmly
believes
that
the
crisis
in
Mozambique
demands
a
coordinated
and
multifaceted
approach
to
facilitate
genuine
dialogue
among
all
parties
involved.
This
is
essential
for
restoring
peace
and
ensuring
long-term
stability
in
the
country.
We
applaud
the
Troika’s
commitment
to
the
core
objectives
of
SADC,
which
focus
on
fostering
a
peaceful,
secure,
and
prosperous
region
for
all
member
states.
We
remain
hopeful
that
this
initiative
represents
the
beginning
of
a
constructive
process
that
will
ultimately
lead
to
a
sustainable
and
peaceful
resolution
to
the
current
challenges
in
Mozambique.
Furthermore,
the
Troika’s
proactive
approach
in
engaging
the
conflicting
parties
is
a
significant
advancement
towards
achieving
lasting
peace
and
genuine
dialogue.
As
SADC
moves
forward,
it
is
crucial
not
only
to
address
the
immediate
crisis
but
also
to
strive
for
the
establishment
of
sustainable
peace
that
will
benefit
the
entire
region.
The
Crisis
in
Zimbabwe
Coalition
is
actively
coordinating
regional
solidarity
efforts,
which
are
vital
in
supporting
Mozambican
civil
society.
We
are
committed
to
promoting
constructive
and
genuine
dialogue
aimed
at
achieving
a
peaceful
solution
that
will
facilitate
necessary
institutional
reforms
in
Mozambique.
The
success
of
these
regional
efforts
will
rely
on
sustained
cooperation
between
local,
regional,
and
international
actors.
It
is
vital
to
maintain
a
clear
focus
on
supporting
locally-led
solutions
while
simultaneously
providing
essential
external
support
and
solidarity.
In
this
regard,
the
experiences
and
capabilities
of
regional
organizations
will
be
instrumental
in
ensuring
effective
support
while
respecting
the
principle
of
local
ownership
in
the
process.
They
were
continuing
our
protest
against
Zanu
PF,
Zimbabwe’s
ruling
regime
responsible
for
the
human
rights
abuses
and
lack
of
democracy
in
Zimbabwe.
Thanks
to
the
valiant
few
who
came
today:
Shepherd
Gandanga,
Blessing
Harry,
Thabani
Themba
Khoza,
Patricia
Masamba,
Dumisani
Nyathi
and
Ephraim
Tapa.
Photos: https://www.flickr.com/photos/zimbabwevigil/albums/72177720323017503.
Thabani
Themba
Khoza
from
Eswatini
(formerly
Swaziland)
came
to
stand
in
solidarity
with
the
Zimbabwe
cause.
Thabani
travelled
all
the
way
from
Birmingham,
defying
warnings
of
snow
and
ice
on
the
UK
weather
front,
to
be
with
us.
He
is
also
reviving
the
Swazi
Vigil.
Speaking
to
Thabani,
it
is
clear
that
the
people
of
Zimbabwe
and
Eswatini
share
the
twin
problems
of
dictatorship
and
lack
of
democracy. While
Zimbabwe
is
grappling
with
a
military
dictatorship
that
took
over
following
the
demise
of
Mugabe’s
police
state,
Eswatini
suffers
the
dictatorship
of
the
absolute King
Mswati’s
monarchy. The
kingdom
does
not
allow
multi-party
democracy
and
anyone
found
to
be
pursuing
such
risks
arbitrary
arrest,
or
state
sponsored
abduction
and/or
murder.
In
Zimbabwe,
voting
is
a
futile
exercise,
as
results
are
pre-determined
in
favour
of
ZANU
PF,
by
the
Zimbabwe
Electoral
Commission,
an
appendage
of
the
ruling
party. For
these
reasons,
Vigil
activists
agreed
on
the
need
for
African
countries
to
join
hands
against
call
dictatorships,
until
the
people
are
free
and
justice
is
done. Vigil
activists
further
vowed
to
continue
standing
in
the
gap,
no
matter
how
bitter
or
treacherous
the
weather
was.
Yes,
indeed,
the
awful
weather
made
this
week’s
Vigil
a
difficult
proposition,
but
the
bravest
and
most
resolute
of
our
activists
survived
it. Thanks
to
Shepherd
Gandanga
who
travelled
all
the
way
from
Wales,
Dumisani
Nyathi
from
Southend-on-Sea,
Thabani
Khoza
from
Birmingham
and Blessing
Harry
from
Slough.
Special
thanks
to
Patricia
Masamba
who
brought
in
the
Vigil
stuff
in
time
for
the
set-up.
Next
Vigil
meeting
outside
the
Zimbabwe
Embassy. Saturday
18th January
from
2
–
5
pm.
We
meet
on
the
first
and
third
Saturdays
of
every
month.
On
other
Saturdays
the
virtual
Vigil
will
run.
The
Restoration
of
Human
Rights
in
Zimbabwe
(ROHR) is
the
Vigil’s
partner
organisation
based
in
Zimbabwe.
ROHR
grew
out
of
the
need
for
the
Vigil
to
have
an
organisation
on
the
ground
in
Zimbabwe
which
reflected
the
Vigil’s
mission
statement
in
a
practical
way.
ROHR
in
the
UK
actively
fundraises
through
membership
subscriptions,
events,
sales
etc
to
support
the
activities
of
ROHR
in
Zimbabwe.
The
Vigil’s
book
‘Zimbabwe
Emergency’ is
based
on
our
weekly
diaries.
It
records
how
events
in
Zimbabwe
have
unfolded
as
seen
by
the
diaspora
in
the
UK.
It
chronicles
the
economic
disintegration,
violence,
growing
oppression
and
political
manoeuvring
–
and
the
tragic
human
cost
involved. It
is
available
at
the
Vigil.
All
proceeds
go
to
the
Vigil
and
our
sister
organisation
the
Restoration
of
Human
Rights
in
Zimbabwe’s
work
in
Zimbabwe.
The
book
is
also
available
from
Amazon.
The
Vigil,
outside
the
Zimbabwe
Embassy,
429
Strand,
London
meets
regularly
on
Saturdays
from
14.00
to
17.00
to
protest
against
gross
violations
of
human
rights
in
Zimbabwe.
The
Vigil
which started
in
October
2002
will
continue
until
internationally-monitored,
free
and
fair
elections
are
held
in
Zimbabwe.
Tibor
Nagy
isn’t
a
stranger
to
the
boutique
law
firm
life.
A
veteran
of
Susman
Godfrey,
Nagy
was
the
first
attorney
to
join
Stephen
Susman
in
setting
up
a
New
York
office
back
in
the
day.
As
2025
dawns,
Nagy
has
launched
his
own
firm
Nagy
Wolfe
Appleton
LLP
—
along
with
partners
Gregory
Wolfe
and
Tracy
Appleton
—
guided
by
the
“vision
of
an
early
Susman
Godfrey,”
building
a
tight-knit
collegial
team
working
on
high-stakes,
complex
commercial
litigation.
Not
even
a
week
into
the
year,
the
firm
is
already
busy
with
three
trials
lined
up
over
the
coming
months.
Boutique
firms
aren’t
new,
obviously,
but
the
launch
of
a
new,
small
firm
aimed
at
top-dollar
legal
work
is
a
reminder
of
the
growing
demand
for
this
business
model.
As
the
top
of
the
industry
consolidates
through
more
and
more
Biglaw
mergers,
boutique
firms
increasingly
fill
industry
gaps.
Bigger
firms
mean
bigger
lists
of
conflicts.
And
as
Nagy
points
out,
it’s
not
just
existing
clients,
but
“conflicts
that
they
hope
to
have,”
citing
instances
from
his
own
career
where
he
took
on
cases
because
big
firms
steered
clear
of
going
against
big
fish
clients
that
some
partner
dreamed
of
bagging
down
the
road.
Boutiques,
on
the
other
hand,
offer
freedom.
For
Nagy,
that
freedom
extends
to
both
sides
of
the
“v,”
with
a
mix
of
clients
on
both
the
plaintiff
and
defense
side.
“I
love
that
representing
a
plaintiff
can
change
someone’s
life.
And
I
have
great
experiences
on
defense
side,
but
wouldn’t
want
to
do
only
that.”
He
noted
that
staying
flexible
in
this
way
“gives
you
the
freedom
to
learn
about
both
sides
[of
areas
of
law]
that
you
wouldn’t
otherwise.”
But
it’s
one
thing
to
watch
Biglaw
firms
close
themselves
off
to
work
and
another
to
build
a
firm
that
can
seize
that
business.
Complex
commercial
litigation
is,
for
lack
of
a
better
term,
complex.
These
are
the
sorts
of
cases
that
bury
a
firm
in
documents
and,
by
extension,
overhead
as
the
firm
builds
out
enough
capacity
to
deal
with
it.
Yet
that
obstacle
doesn’t
seem
to
deter
boutiques
as
much
as
it
did
20
or
even
10
years
ago.
In
part,
this
a
story
about
legal
technology.
“I
think
it’s
fantastic
to
launch
right
now,”
Nagy
said.
“The
technology
makes
it
easier
to
do
everyday
things.”
Need
phones?
Zoom
will
get
you
a
number
cheap.
Need
401(k)s?
There’s
a
swift
solution
for
that.
“I
had
a
case
with
a
massive
volume
of
documents,
we
had
a
team
of
five
people
[within
the
firm]…
and
three
did
most
of
the
work.”
Citing
improved
discovery
tech
and
skilled
vendors
and
contract
attorneys,
he
explained
that
small
firms
are
getting
bigger
matters
done
with
confidence.
Though
one
of
the
best
ways
to
save
money
is
to
shrink
the
office
footprint.
“You
don’t
need
massive
office
space
if
you
allow
people
to
work
remotely
and
a
lot
want
to,”
he
said.
It’s
easy
to
stay
connected
and
the
pandemic
taught
even
the
most
tech-skeptical
lawyer
how
to
work
seamlessly
from
home,
so
there’s
no
reason
to
waste
resources
on
massive
offices.
As
long
as
the
firm
hires
people
who
don’t
need
someone
looking
over
their
shoulder,
the
only
facetime
you
need
is
on
the
smartphone.
Clients
appreciate
it.
“They
hire
the
lawyer,
not
the
firm,”
Nagy
observed
of
big
clients
showing
more
confidence
to
make
personal
hires
than
chase
brand
name
law
firms.
But
the
partner
at
the
top
of
the
matter
still
needs
to
deliver
a
team
that
clients
trust.
“What
we’re
selling
are
our
people,
their
talent,
their
drive,”
he
explained.
“We
try
to
find
really
smart
and
driven
people.”
And
if
it
can
save
the
client
some
money
to
get
top-notch
work,
all
the
better.
Most
of
the
nation’s
lawyers
work
in
small
law
practices,
where
compensation
is
neither
as
standardized
nor
as
transparent
as
in
the
more
rarified
Biglaw
universe.
Now,
in
partnership
with
our
friends
at
iManage,
we
are
pleased
to
present
the
results
of
our
2024
Solo
&
Small
Firm
Compensation
Survey.
We
heard
from
more
than
750
lawyers,
whose
responses
have
been
aggregated
and
segmented
by
demographic,
including
position,
firm
size,
practice
area,
geographic
region,
year
of
law
school
graduation,
and
gender.
Download
it
for
their
insights
on
topics
including:
Total
annual
compensation
Target
bonus
(as
a
percentage
of
base
pay)
Actual
bonus
received
Average
raise
Percentage
of
total
compensation
based
on
collections
Percentage
of
total
compensation
based
on
origination
fees
Percentage
of
firm
revenue
derived
from
their
book
of
business
Whether
you
are
looking
to
benchmark
your
current
pay,
considering
joining
a
small
firm,
or
launching
your
own
practice,
this
report
should
prove
a
useful
resource.
Cravath Class
of
2024:
$15K
/
$6K
(prorated) Class
of
2017:
$115K
/
$25K
November
19,
2024
None
December
13,
2024
Paul
Hastings Class
of
2023:
$20K
/
$6K Class
of
2017+:
$115K
/
$25K
November
20,
2024
2000
hours
February
14,
2025
Ropes
&
Gray Class
of
2024:
$15K
/
$6K
(prorated) Class
of
2016+:
$130K
/
$25K
November
20,
2024
1900
creditable
hours
(increased
bonuses
for
associates
who
annualized
above
hourly
target)
December
24,
2024
Fried
Frank Class
of
2024:
$15K
/
$6K
(prorated) Class
of
2017+:
$115K
/
$25K
November
20,
2024
1850
hours
for
special
bonus
(including
billable,
pro
bono,
qualified
nonbillable,
and
firm
matter
hours);
associates
eligible
for
“premium”
bonus
ranging
from
$3K
to
$34.5K
2000
hours
(merit
bonuses
available
for
eligible
associates;
“two-thirds”
of
associates
will
see
bonuses
above
market)
December
27,
2024
Cleary Class
of
2024:
$15K
/
$6K
(prorated) Class
of
2017+:
$115K
/
$25K
November
21,
2024
None
December
20,
2024
Paul
Weiss Class
of
2024:
$15K
/
$6K
(prorated) Class
of
2017+:
$115K
/
$25K
November
21,
2024
None
December
20,
2024
Dechert Class
of
2023:
$20K
/
$6K Class
of
2017+:
$115K
/
$25K
November
21,
2024
1950
hours
(client
billable,
pro
bono,
firm
as
client,
maximum
of
50
community
hours);
associates
who
exceeded
hours
expectations
eligible
to
receive
an
“extraordinary”
bonus
(i.e.,
2200
hours
=
addt’l
30%;
2400+
hours
=
addt’l
40%);
“enhanced”
bonuses
up
to
130%
above
market
available
on
top
of
“extraordinary”
bonus
for
those
with
high
billable
hours
By
or
before
end
of
January
2025
O’Melveny Class
of
2024:
$6K
(prorated) Class
of
2017+:
$115K
/
$25K
November
21,
2024
None
Undisclosed
Holwell
Shuster Class
of
2024:
$15K
/
$6K
(prorated) Class
of
2017+:
$115K
/
$25K
November
21,
2024
None
On
or
before
December
31,
2024
Davis
Polk Class
of
2024:
$15K
/
$6K
(prorated) Class
of
2017+:
$115K
/
$25K
November
22,
2024
None
December
27,
2024
Weil
Gotshal Class
of
2024:
$15K
/
$6K
(prorated) Class
of
2017+:
$115K
/
$25K
November
22,
2024
None
January
31,
2025
White
&
Case Class
of
2024:
$15K
/
$6K
(prorated) Class
of
2017:
$115K
/
$25K
November
22,
2024
Eligibility
criteria
detailed
in
separate
memo
February
14,
2025
Skadden Class
of
2024:
$15K
/
$6K
(prorated) Class
of
2017+:
$115K
or
$125K
/
$25K
November
22,
2024
1800
“productive
hours”
(including
unlimited
pro
bono
time
and
up
to
150
hours
of
productive
non-billable
work)
December
13,
2024
Cadwalader Class
of
2024:
$15K
/
$6K
(prorated) Class
of
2016:
$115K
/
$25K
November
22,
2024
Additional
bonuses
“equal
to
120%
of
[market
bonuses]”
for
high
billers
with
2200
hours
or
more
By
or
before
end
of
February
2025
Proskauer Class
of
2024:
$15K
/
$6K
(prorated) Class
of
2016:
$115K
/
$25K
November
22,
2024
None
On
or
before
December
24,
2024
Schulte
Roth
&
Zabel Class
of
2024:
$15K
/
$6K
(prorated) Class
of
2017+:
$115K
/
$25K
November
22,
2024
2000
hours;
step-up
bonuses
from
$3K
to
$51.75K
for
associates
who
have
made
“extraordinary
contributions”
to
the
firm)
January
27,
2025
Covington Class
of
2024:
$15K
/
$6K
(prorated) Class
of
2017+:
$115K
/
$25K
November
22,
2024
2000
hours;
(associates
will
see
a
10%
bonus
increase
at
2200
hours,
and
another
10%
bonus
increase
2400
hours)
January
2025
Willkie
Farr Class
of
2024:
$15K
/
$6K
(prorated) Class
of
2017+:
$115K
/
$25K
November
22,
2024
None
December
31,
2024
Akin Class
of
2024:
$15K
/
$6K
(prorated) Class
of
2017+:
$115K
/
$25K
November
22,
2024
1950
hours
(including
pro
bono
hours,
general
counsel
hours,
business
development
hours,
and
up
to
100
hours
of
time
spent
on
recruiting,
diversity
&
inclusion,
and/or
innovation
activities);
associates
with
“exceptional”
performance
will
receive
larger
bonuses
February
2025
Sidley Class
of
2023:
$20K
/
$6K Class
of
2016:
$115K
/
$25K
November
25,
2024
2000
hours
required
for
base
bonuses;
associates
with
“higher
productivity
and/or
exceptional
performance”
will
receive
additional
bonuses,
up
to
“more
than
50%
above
base
bonus”
Prior
to
December
31,
2024
Baker
Botts Class
of
2023:
$20K
/
$6K Class
of
2017+:
$115K
/
$25K
November
25,
2024
2000
hours
(1800
client
billable
hours
and
200
non-client
billable
hours,
including
pro
bono,
business
development,
etc.);
“enhanced”
bonuses
available
for
“exceptional”
performance;
special
bonuses
reportedly
require
2000
client
billable
hours
for
eligibility
Undisclosed
A&O
Shearman Class
of
2024:
$15K
/
$6K
(prorated) Class
of
2017+:
$115K
/
$25K
November
25,
2024
2000
hours
(including
a
minimum
of
25
pro
bono
hours
and
up
to
100
investment
hours
(e.g.,
DEI/mental
health;
personal
development/training;
community
involvement;
management
&
talent
development;
knowledge
development;
origination,
client
relationships,
business
development;
and
market
innovation
group))
January
31,
2025
Katten
Muchin Class
of
2023:
$20K
/
$6K Class
of
2017+:
$115K
/
$25K
November
25,
2024
2000
hours
(2100
hours
for
$22K-$126.5K;
2200
hours
for
$24K-$138K;
2300
hours
for
$26.5K-$149.5K;
2400
hours
for
$31K-$172.5K);
additional
“superstar”
bonuses
available
February
3,
2025
Vinson
&
Elkins Class
of
2024:
$15K
/
$6K
(prorated) Class
of
2017+:
$115K
/
$25K
November
25,
2024
Based
on
hours
and
good
standing;
“supplemental
bonuses”
available
for
associates
who
had
an
“exemplary
year”
On
or
about
January
31,
2025
Debevoise Class
of
2024:
$15K
/
$6K
(prorated) Class
of
2017+:
$115K
/
$25K
November
26,
2024
None
Undisclosed
Clifford
Chance Class
of
2024:
$15K
/
$6K
(prorated) Class
of
2017+:
$115K
/
$25K
November
26,
2024
None
(based
on
overall
performance,
quality
of
work,
contributions
to
firm,
teamwork,
and
pro
bono)
January
15,
2025
Mayer
Brown Class
of
2024:
$15K
/
$6K
(prorated) Class
of
2017+:
$115K
/
$25K
November
26,
2024
2000
hours;
associates
eligible
for
addt’l
bonuses
based
on
performance
February
28,
2025
Gibson
Dunn Class
of
2024:
$15K
/
$6K
(prorated) Class
of
2017:
$115K
/
$25K
November
27,
2024
Undisclosed
Undisclosed
Seward
&
Kissel Class
of
2023:
$20K
/
$6K Class
of
2017+:
$115K
/
$25K
November
27,
2024
2000
hours
(1850
billable
hours
and
150
qualified
non-billable
hours);
2200
hours
for
special
bonus
(1850
billable
hours
and
150
qualified
non-billable
hours;
associates
who
“substantially”
exceed
the
eligibility
requirements
for
special
bonuses
may
receive
an
“increased”
special
bonus)
1900
hours
(including
50
FIT
hours)
for
special
bonus
eligibility
January
31,
2025
Kramer
Levin Class
of
2024:
$15K
/
$6K
(prorated) Class
of
2017+:
$115K
/
$25K
December
4,
2024
Eligible
associates
in
good
standing
will
receive
bonuses
February
14,
2025
Cahill Class
of
2024:
$15K
/
$7.5K
(prorated) Class
of
2016:
$115K
/
$40K
December
5,
2024
Select
associates
in
Classes
of
2017-2020
who
have
demonstrated
“extraordinary”
performance
eligible
for
a
“super
bonus”
up
to
$200K
(based
on
performance
and
seniority)
in
lieu
of
special
bonus
Second
half
of
January
2025
Ross
Aronstam Class
of
2022:
$30K
/
$10K Class
of
2016:
$115K
/
$25K
December
5,
2024
None
December
15,
2024
AZA Class
of
2024:
$15K
/
$6K Class
of
2021:
$57.5K
/
$15K
December
6,
2024
None
(based
on
overall
performance;
bonuses
for
elder
class
years
are
individualized)
December
13,
2024
Perkins
Coie Class
of
2024:
$15K
(prorated)
/
$6K Class
of
2017+:
$115K
/
$25K
2000
hours
for
associates
on
the
“market”
system;
95%
of
associates
received
bonuses
as
high
as,
and
in
most
cases
higher
than
market
system
bonuses;
several
associates
received
bonuses
of
$300K+,
while
others
received
bonuses
of
$1M+
Week
of
December
9,
2024
Winston
&
Strawn Class
of
2024:
$15K
/
$6K
(prorated) Class
of
2017+:
$115K
/
$25K
December
10,
2024
2000
hours
(additional
bonus
money
for
associates
who
“substantially
exceed”
productivity
goals);
for
special
bonus,
associates
who
meet
or
exceed
their
hours
will
receive
100%;
associates
who
meet
75%
or
more
of
their
hours
will
receive
75%;
associates
between
50-74%
of
their
hours
will
receive
50%;
associates
who
are
under
50%
of
their
hours
will
receive
0%
End
of
January
2025
Sullvan
&
Cromwell Class
of
2024:
$15K
/
$6K
(prorated) Class
of
2017+:
$115K
/
$25K
December
11,
2024
Undisclosed
December
23,
2024
Freshfields Class
of
2024:
$15K
/
$6K
(prorated) Class
of
2017+:
$115K
/
$25K
December
11,
2024
Undisclosed
Undisclosed
Linklaters Class
of
2024:
$15K
/
$6K
(prorated) Class
of
2017+:
$115K
/
$25K
December
12,
2024
1900
hours
(including
unlimited
pro
bono,
up
to
400
hours
of
marketing,
and
other
work);
special
bonuses
awarded
to
associates
with
“higher
productivity”;
the
firm
is
reportedly
requiring
1650
client
billable
hours
for
special
bonus
eligibility
December
31,
2024
Pillsbury Fall
Hires:
$15K
/
$6K
(prorated) SA
2/Counsel:
$115K
/
$25K
December
12,
2024
1700
client/2000
creditable
hours
for
base
bonus;
1900
client/2200
creditable
hours
for
Super
Bonus
1
($20K-$25K,
by
class
year);
2100
client/2400
creditable
hours
for
Super
Bonus
2
($30K
all
class
years);
market
special
bonuses
not
included
Undisclosed
Selendy
Gay Class
of
2024:
$17.25K
/
$6K
(prorated) Class
of
2017+:
$132.25K
/
$25K
December
12,
2024
None
(some
associates
will
receive
even
more
bonus
money
based
on
performance,
hours,
and
firm
citizenship;
some
associates
received
bonuses
more
than
50%
above
market)
December
13,
2024
Axinn Class
of
2024:
$15K
/
$6K
(prorated) Class
of
2017+:
$115K
/
$25K
December
12,
2024
2000
hours;
“extraordinary”
bonuses
available
to
associates
who
surpassed
their
billable
hours
threshold
1900
hours
for
base
bonus;
2000
hours
for
$20K-$130K
bonus;
2100
hours
for
$28K-$150K
bonus;
2200
hours
for
$35K-$165K
bonus;
maximum
potential
bonuses
of
$55K-$330K;
additional
bonuses
to
be
paid
out
over
the
next
four
quarters,
with
the
first
installment
on
March
31,
2025
Undisclosed;
bonuses
are
based
on
business
origination
and
revenue;
highest
bonus
awarded
was
$725K
Undisclosed
Cohen
Ziffer Class
of
2023:
$20K Class
of
2017+:
$115K
December
13,
2024
Undisclosed;
“in
exceptional
circumstances,”
associates
may
receive
higher
bonuses
“based
on
individual
performance”
December
13,
2024
Quinn
Emanuel Class
of
2024:
$15K
/
$6K Class
of
2017+:
$115K
/
$25K
December
13,
2024
2000-2099
hours
for
$10K-$76.6K;
2100-2399
hours
for
base
bonus;
2400-2699
hours
for
$18K-$138K;
2700+
hours
for
$20.25K-$155.25K
Week
of
December
16,
2024
McKool
Smith Class
of
2024:
$15K
(prorated) Class
of
2017+:
$115K
December
13,
2024
Undisclosed;
high
billers
will
receive
additional
bonus
money,
with
some
exceeding
the
Milbank
scale
by
more
than
35%;
firm
previously
awarded
summer
bonuses
based
on
hours
(1900
hours
for
$2.5K;
1900-2199
hours
for
$7.5K;
2200-2299
hours
for
$10K;
2300-2399
hours
for
$15K;
2400-2599
hours
for
$20K;
2600+
hours
for
$30K)
Undisclosed
Susman
Godfrey Class
of
2022:
$110K
(median) Class
of
2015:
$260K
(median)
December
17,
2024
None
Undisclosed
Yetter
Coleman Class
of
2024:
$15K
/
$6K
(prorated) Class
of
2017+:
$115K
/
$25K
December
17,
2024
Undisclosed;
“outstanding”
performances
will
be
rewarded
with
“even
higher”
bonus
amounts
December
20,
2024
Hogan
Lovells Class
of
2023:
$20K
/
$6K Class
of
2017+:
$115K
/
$25K
2000
hours
(including
up
to
150
pro
bono
hours
until
associates
meet
1850
hours,
then
unlimited
pro
bono
hours,
and
including
up
to
50
D&I
hours,
if
they
have
billed
at
least
1800
hours);
additional
bonuses
available
for
those
who
exceed
hours
minimums;
associates
report
no
special
bonuses
are
being
awarded;
firm
reversed
course
on
special
bonuses
after
weeks
had
passed
End
of
December
2024
for
year-end
bonuses;
end
of
February
2025
for
special
bonuses
Orrick Associate
Year
1:
$20K
/
$6K Senior
Associate
Year
2+:
$115K
/
$25K
December
18,
2024
Undisclosed
December
31,
2024
(special
bonuses);
Mid-February
2025
(merit
bonuses)
Hueston
Hennigan Class
of
2023:
$20K
/
$6K Class
of
2017+:
$115K
/
$25K
December
18,
2024
Based
on
class
year,
hours,
and
good
standing;
all
bonus-eligible
associates
reportedly
received
above-market
bonuses
(with
some
receiving
two
or
more
times
the
market
bonus
for
their
class)
Undisclosed;
“customary
annual
market
bonuses”
to
be
announced
in
March
2025
March
2025
Morrison
&
Foerster Class
of
2024:
$15K
/
$6K
(prorated) Class
of
2017+:
$115K
/
$25K
December
20,
2024
Undisclosed;
high
hours
bonus
of
10/20/40%
of
base
by
class
year
($16.5K
(prorated)
to
$161K)
and
merit
incentive
bonus
of
10/20%
of
base
+
high
hours
by
class
year
($16.5K
(prorated)
to
$192.2K)
also
available;
potential
bonus
total
by
class
year
of
$21K
to
$218.2K
2000
hours
for
base
bonus
(1800
of
which
must
be
client
billable);
2200
hours
for
special
bonus
(2000
of
which
must
be
client
billable);
enhanced
bonuses
available
based
on
hours
(2400-2499
hours
(2200
must
be
billable)
for
10%
of
year-end
bonus;
2500-2599
hours
(2300
must
be
billable)
for
15%
of
year-end
bonus;
2600+
hours
(2400
must
be
billable)
for
20%
of
year-end
bonus)
January
31,
2025
Alston
&
Bird Class
of
2024:
$15K
/
$6K
(prorated) Class
of
2017+:
$115K
/
$25K
December
23,
2024
2000
hours
for
base
bonus
and
special
bonus
Undisclosed
DLA
Piper Class
of
2023:
$20K
/
$6K Class
of
2017+:
$115K
/
$25K
December
23,
2024
Bonus
eligibility
based
on
seniority,
performance
rating,
productivity
(the
firm
has
a
2000-hour
billable
goal),
compliance
with
firm
policies,
and
good
standing
status;
2000
hours
for
special
bonus;
enhanced
bonuses
available
for
those
with
performance
ratings
of
four
or
five,
as
well
as
associates
who
billed
more
than
2000
hours
(additional
bonus
increases
for
each
100
billable
hour
threshold
they
meet,
up
to
2700
hours)
December
27,
2024
and
February
7,
2025
Perry
Law Class
of
2023:
$25K Class
of
2017+:
$120K
December
23,
2024
The
firm
is
awarding
bonuses
that
“significantly
exceed
the
Cravath/Milbank
rate
(including
special
bonuses)”;
in
2023,
the
firm
paid
$5K
more
than
market
for
each
class
year
By
or
before
the
end
of
December
2024
Massumi
+
Consoli Class
of
2024:
$2.5K
/
$1.5K Class
of
2016:
$115K
/
$25K
December
24,
2024
1900
hours
(bonuses
may
be
further
adjusted
based
on
billable
hours,
performance
reviews,
and
extraordinary
contributions
to
the
firm)
2000
hours;
major
market
offices:
Atlanta,
Austin,
Boston,
Century
City,
Charlotte,
Chicago,
Dallas,
Denver,
Fort
Lauderdale,
Houston,
Los
Angeles,
Miami,
New
York,
Newport
Beach,
Philadelphia,
San
Francisco,
Stamford,
Tysons,
Washington,
D.C.,
and
West
Palm
Beach;
regional
market
offices:
Birmingham,
Chattanooga,
Jacksonville,
Nashville,
Orlando,
Portland,
Richmond,
Tallahassee,
and
Tampa;
additional
bonuses
awarded
to
associates
whose
performance
was
“exceptional”
(based
on
billable
hours
and/or
originations);
those
who
came
close
to
target
hours
threshold
will
be
considered
for
partial
bonuses
The
newly
released
2025
Report
on
the
State
of
the
US
Legal
Market,
prepared
by
the
Center
on
Ethics
and
the
Legal
Profession
at
Georgetown
Law
and
Thomson
Reuters,
doesn’t
quite
know
what
to
expect
for
firms
this
year.
On
the
one
hand,
a
“lucrative
2024”
placed
the
economy
on
sold
footing
and
many
of
the
key
factors
driving
that
growth
should
continue
to
hold
over
the
coming
year.
On
the
other
hand,
it’s
hard
to
sustain
growth
like
the
industry
enjoyed.
And
on
the
other
other
hand…
The
report
also
states
that
firms
will
likely
see
demand
weaken
in
2025,
compared
to
2024,
due
to
both
the
historic
difficulty
of
achieving
long-run
demand
growth
plus
uncertain
conditions
in
the
U.S.
and
global
economies.
However,
the
report
notes
that
results
of
the
U.S.
presidential
election
could
boost
demand
as
greater
levels
of
economic
and
geopolitical
instability
generally
see
clients
turn
to
their
lawyers
to
mitigate
risk.
In
addition,
the
2025
outlook
includes
expense
growth
remaining
at
elevated
levels,
putting
more
pressure
on
profits.
Ah.
The
“chaos
is
a
ladder”
theory
of
law
firm
demand.
You
have
to
credit
Thomson
Reuters
for
using
roughly
30
words
to
say,
“clients
need
lawyers
because
of
the
tire
fire
of
trade
wars
and
half-baked
deregulation
you
all
voted
for.”
Will
deal
lawyers
thrive
in
a
corporate
free-for-all
or
will
litigators
squabble
over
business
commitments
trashed
by
a
global
trade
war?
Either
way,
the
firms
win!
Until
the
economy
collapses
anyway.
Future
aside,
the
report
suggests
that
firms
owed
2024’s
boom
to
a
“year
of
anomalies.”
Growth
arrived
simultaneously
from
transactional
and
counter-cyclical
practices
in
a
sort-of
everything,
everywhere
all
at
once
effect
(without
the
interdimensional
war
for
survival).
Major
transactional
practices
—
corporate
(all),
real
estate,
and
tax
—
that
were
all
drags
on
firm
performance
in
2023,
improved
significantly
in
2024.
The
result
was
a
transactional
category
that,
as
a
whole,
rebounded
from
a
2.3%
contraction
in
2023
to
1.6%
growth
as
of
November
of
2024
on
a
year
to-date
basis.
Although
transactional
demand
has
not
yet
fully
recovered
to
the
heights
of
2021,
the
fact
that
it
is
now
returning
to
growth
mode
means
that
counter-cyclical
practices
that
have
performed
exceptionally
over
the
past
few
years
will
no
longer
experience
as
much
drag
from
transactional
work.
Indeed,
if
counter-cyclical
practices
(such
as
litigation)
had
simply
maintained
their
growth
paces
in
2024,
law
firms
would
already
have
performed
better
than
the
previous
couple
of
years.
Instead,
what
happened
was
an
acceleration.
Along
with
this
demand
bump,
firms
were
able
to
boost
rates,
“averaging
6.5%
growth
despite
weakening
inflation.”
While
the
report
says
“despite,”
this
fits
within
the
industry’s
overall
lagging
nature.
Recessions
hit
law
a
little
later,
recoveries
arrive
a
little
slower,
and
inflation
takes
a
bit
longer
to
absorb.
Expenses
also
steadied
in
2024,
meaning
firms
saw
more
demand,
willing
to
pay
more,
while
the
expenses
got
easier
to
manage
(if
still
high).
In
a
new
letter,
344
organizations
urged
the
new
Congress
—
which
was
sworn
in
on
Jan.
3
—
to
protect
and
strengthen
Medicaid.
The
letter
was
addressed
to
Senate
Majority
Leader
John
Thune,
House
Speaker
Mike
Johnson,
Senate
Minority
Leader
Chuck
Schumer
and
House
Minority
Leader
Hakeem
Jeffries.
Families
USA,
a
healthcare
consumer
advocacy
organization,
led
the
charge
for
the
letter.
Other
organizations
that
signed
the
letter
include
the
National
Alliance
on
Mental
Illness,
March
of
Dimes,
UnidosUS
and
the
Center
for
Health
Law
and
Policy
Innovation.
It
comes
as
several
Republican
legislative
proposals
aim
to
tighten
Medicaid
by
eliminating
or
significantly
underfunding
the
ACA
Medicaid
expansion,
according
to
the
Center
on
Budget
and
Policy
Priorities,
a
nonpartisan
research
and
policy
institute.
The
proposals
aim
to
do
this
by
restructuring
and
cutting
federal
funding
for
the
program,
or
undermining
long-standing
protections
for
enrollees.
In
the
letter,
the
organizations
noted
that
Medicaid
is
an
important
source
of
health
and
economic
security
for
80
million
Americans,
insures
38
million
children
and
covers
40%
of
births
in
the
U.S.
“The
importance
of
Medicaid
cannot
be
overstated.
…
It
is
the
single
most
important
source
of
financial
support
that
keeps
rural
hospitals
open
to
serve
the
health
needs
of
their
communities,”
the
organizations
stated.
“It
ensures
people
with
disabilities
can
access
critical
home
and
community-based
services
and
secure
meaningful
job
opportunities.
It
is
the
largest
payer
of
behavioral
health
services
in
the
country,
providing
essential
access
to
mental
health
and
substance
use
disorder
care.
And
it
helps
working
people
stay
healthy
so
they
can
afford
to
feed
their
families
and
send
their
kids
to
school.”
In
addition,
they
declared
that
cutting
Medicaid
was
not
something
Americans
asked
for
during
the
2024
election
cycle.
Doing
so
would
put
costs
on
working
class
families
and
betray
constituents,
they
argued.
“Proposals
to
cap
funding,
reduce
the
federal
share
of
Medicaid
spending,
establish
block
grants,
institute
work
reporting
and
community
engagement
requirements,
cut
state
revenue
from
provider
taxes
or
otherwise
undermine
the
fundamental
structure
of
the
Medicaid
program
all
have
the
same
effect,”
the
letter
stated.
“If
instituted,
Americans
will
lose
access
to
lifesaving
services,
states
will
be
strapped
with
massive
budget
holes,
hospitals
and
clinics
will
lose
revenues
and
be
forced
to
cut
staff
and
scale
back
services,
and
American
families
and
workers
will
be
unable
to
afford
essential
care
and
get
sicker
—
leading
to
a
loss
in
productivity
and
the
economy
suffering
as
a
result.”
The
organizations
added
that
if
the
119th
Congress
wants
to
lower
healthcare
costs,
“there
are
many
well-vetted,
commonsense
and
bipartisan
proposals
to
address
inefficiencies
and
inflated
prices
and
eliminate
waste
from
the
health
care
system.”
According
to
Families
USA,
these
proposals
include
closing
legal
loopholes
that
allow
drug
companies
to
increase
drug
costs,
strengthening
hospital
and
health
plan
price
transparency
and
reforming
physician
payment.
*
Exxon
claims
green
interests
defamed
the
company
in
disparaging
its
recycling
efforts
ruining
its
existing
reputation
as
a
paragon
of
environmental
causes.
[Law360]
*
DOJ
says
state
bar
crossed
the
line
into
disability
discrimination
in
throwing
obstacles
in
front
of
substance-use
disorder
applicants.
[ABA
Journal]
