While
former
President
Donald
Trump’s
win
of
the
White
House
was
a
blow
to
many
reproductive
rights
advocates,
Election
Day
some
wins
when
it
came
to
abortion
ballot
measures.
In
seven
of
10
states,
voters
chose
to
protect
abortion
rights.
However,
that
doesn’t
mean
abortion
rights
will
go
into
effect
immediately
in
these
states,
experts
say.
“People
kind
of
think
that
abortion
access
can
be
like
a
light
switch,
like
you
flip
it
up
because
the
law
allows
you
to
provide
abortion
care,
and
suddenly
there’s
all
of
these
clinics
and
providers
who
are
able
to
provide
care.
You
flip
it
down
when
abortion
is
restricted,
and
those
providers
are
able
to
just
pause
but
not
go
anywhere,”
said
Kimya
Forouzan,
principal
state
policy
advisor
at
Guttmacher,
a
nonpartisan
research
and
policy
organization
in
reproductive
health.
“That’s
just
not
the
case.
What
we
see
fairly
frequently
when
there
is
a
change
in
abortion
law
is
that
it
just
takes
a
bit
of
time,
if
ever,
for
that
infrastructure
to
be
built
back
up.”
In
states
with
restrictions
or
bans,
many
providers
have
left
the
state,
and
it
could
take
a
while
to
restore
the
workforce.
Where
did
abortion
measures
win?
Even
though
it’s
not
as
easy
as
flipping
a
light
switch,
the
seven
states
that
passed
ballot
measures
protecting
abortion
in
the
2024
election
were
Arizona,
Colorado,
Maryland,
Missouri,
Montana,
Nevada
and
New
York.
Missouri
currently
has
a
total
abortion
ban,
but
because
the
ballot
measure
establishes
a
fundamental
right
to
abortion
prior
to
viability,
the
state’s
residents
can
legally
challenge
that
ban.
Fetal
viability
occurs
generally
during
24–26
weeks
of
pregnancy.
The
ballot
measure
now
allows
Missourians
to
make
decisions
about
abortion,
contraception
and
miscarriage
management,
among
other
things.
Arizona,
meanwhile,
currently
bans
abortion
at
15
weeks
or
later.
Like
Missouri,
the
ballot
measure
establishes
a
right
to
abortion
and
gives
advocates
a
legal
path
to
challenge
the
ban.
In
Nevada,
abortion
is
banned
at
24
weeks
and
later,
and
the
ballot
measure
enshrines
the
right
to
abortion
in
the
state
constitution
until
viability,
as
well
as
after
that
to
protect
the
mother’s
life
or
physical
health.
In
the
remaining
states
—
Colorado,
Maryland,
Montana
and
New
York
—
abortion
is
currently
protected,
and
the
ballot
measures
succeeded
in
further
safeguarding
abortion
rights.
For
example,
New
York’s
measure
adds
language
to
the
state
constitution
that
prohibits
discrimination,
including
ethnicity,
age
and
disability.
Colorado’s
measure
repeals
a
previous
constitutional
amendment
that
bans
the
use
of
state
funds
for
abortion
care.
The
measure
in
Maryland
establishes
a
right
to
reproductive
freedom,
and
Montana’s
measure
protects
the
right
to
abortion
up
to
viability.
In
another
three
states
—Florida,
Nebraska
and
South
Dakota
—abortion
rights
ballots
failed.
While
Florida’s
did
not
pass,
the
majority
of
voters
(57%)
still
showed
their
support
of
the
measure.
However,
Florida
requires
a
greater
than
60%
vote
to
pass.
Nebraska
also
had
a
unique
case,
in
which
the
ballot
had
both
a
protective
abortion
rights
measure
and
an
anti-abortion
measure.
The
protective
abortion
rights
measure
failed
while
the
anti-abortion
measure
passed.
The
anti-abortion
measure
bans
most
abortions
after
the
first
trimester
and
enshrines
the
current
12-week
ban
in
the
constitution.
However,
there
were
reports
that
these
competing
ballot
measures
may
have
confused
voters.
For
one
reproductive
health
advocate,
these
results
were
a
“bright
spot.”
“We
know
that
people
in
these
states
and
people
in
the
U.S.
support
abortion,
and
that
abortion
is
a
winning
issue,”
said
Israel
Cook,
state
legislative
counsel
at
the
Center
for
Reproductive
Rights,
in
an
interview.
“It
was
very
heartening
and
somewhat
expected
that
these
measures
passed.”
It’s
also
worth
noting
that
several
of
the
states
that
approved
abortion
ballot
measures
also
sided
with
Trump
in
the
presidential
election,
including
Missouri,
Montana,
Arizona
and
Nevada.
“It
really
highlights
that
people
are
in
support
of
abortion
access,
even
in
places
like
Missouri,
where
abortion
is
completely
banned,
all
the
way
to
places
like
New
York,
where
it’s
protected,”
Cook
added.
“Even
in
states
where
the
measures
might
have
failed,
there
was
still
overwhelming
support.
Look
at
Florida.”
The
ballot
measures
to
fortify
women’s
access
to
abortion
stems
from
the
overturning
of
Roe
v.
Wade.
In
2022,
through
the
landmark
Dobbs
decision,
the
Court
essentially
took
away
the
constitutional
right
to
abortion
and
gave
states
the
ability
to
make
their
own
policies
on
abortion.
Now,
13
states
ban
abortion,
and
many
others
have
restrictions,
according
to
KFF.
There
are
two
ways
in
which
an
abortion
measure
can
get
on
the
ballot:
legislatively-referred
measures
that
are
introduced
and
approved
by
lawmakers
and
citizen-initiated
measures
that
are
written
by
citizen
groups
and
put
on
the
ballot
if
they
get
enough
signatures.
However,
the
latter
approach
is
not
available
in
all
states.
Since
the
overturning
of
Roe
v.
Wade,
16
states
have
voted
on
abortion
measures,
including
six
prior
to
the
2024
election.
While
the
abortion
ballot
measures
passed
in
most
states
this
year,
one
physician
in
family
medicine
and
urgent
care
is
still
concerned
about
the
differing
laws
in
different
states
and
how
they
could
exacerbate
disparities
that
already
exist.
She
was
happy
to
see
that
some
states
did
provide
protections
for
abortion,
but
was
disappointed
that
it
wasn’t
across
the
board.
“I
always
go
back
to
just
thinking
about
that
patient,
that
person
that
I
may
see,
or
my
colleagues,
and
the
thought
that
wherever
they
live
could
determine
if
they’re
able
to
access
the
care
they
need,”
said
Dr.
Bayo
Curry-Winchell,
founder
of
Beyond
Clinical
Walls
and
medical
director
of
urgent
care
clinics
at
Saint
Mary’s
Regional
Medical
Center.
“For
me,
when
we
talk
about
reproductive
health,
it
really
is
overall
health.
I
worry
about
those
patients
who
are
in
those
states
that
will
not
have
access
to
full
care
based
on
the
label
or
association
of
abortion,
because
it’s
so
much
more
than
that.”
Curry-Winchell
gave
the
example
of
chemotherapy,
which
may
be
limited
for
women
of
childbearing
age
in
places
with
abortion
bans
because
they
could
induce
an
abortion
for
a
pregnancy
the
person
may
not
even
know
about.
What’s
ahead
Although
the
majority
of
these
measures
passed,
they
won’t
go
into
effect
immediately.
Different
states
have
different
effective
dates
and
some
require
the
governor
to
certify
the
ballot
initiative,
according
to
Forouzan
of
Guttmacher.
She
said
that
most
of
the
states
are
waiting
for
the
effective
date.
And
when
the
ballot
initiative
does
go
into
effect,
it
revises
the
state
constitution.
However,
it
doesn’t
automatically
repeal
the
abortion
restrictions
or
bans
that
are
in
place.
“The
constitution
is
affirming
of
abortion
rights,
but
when
you
look
at
the
state’s
statutory
code,
there
might
still
be
restrictions,”
she
said.
“What
often
happens
is
that
litigation
is
brought
by
advocates
in
the
state
to
also
just
get
rid
of
those
bans
or
restrictions
that
are
on
the
books,
so
it’s
clear
that
abortion
is
protected
in
the
state.”
In
addition,
states
that
shift
from
an
abortion
ban
to
protecting
abortion
face
workforce
challenges.
Forouzan
gave
the
example
of
North
Dakota,
which
had
a
total
ban
that
was
recently
blocked.
“Unfortunately,
because
there
was
a
total
ban
in
place,
there
are
no
longer
any
abortion
providers
in
the
state,
even
though
it
is
technically
legal
in
the
state,”
she
said.
“I
don’t
want
to
underscore
how
important
that
decision
was.
[For]
people
who
are
in
a
hospital-facing,
emergency
situation,
it’s
a
lot
easier
for
them
to
get
care.
That’s
very,
very
important,
but
there
are
no
abortion
providers
for
folks
who
are
not
in
emergency
medical
situations
anymore
in
the
state.”
With
the
2024
results,
Missouri
could
be
facing
a
similar
dilemma,
according
to
Laurie
Sobel,
associate
director
for
Women’s
Health
Policy
at
KFF,
a
nonprofit
health
policy
research,
polling
and
news
organization.
With
the
ban,
many
professionals
in
the
field
may
have
moved
to
providing
other
medical
services
or
have
left
the
state.
Some
physicians
may
also
be
concerned
that
the
law
is
just
going
to
change
again.
Sobel
noted
that
there
were
restrictions
on
abortion
in
Missouri
before
the
ban.
For
example,
it
has
restrictions
requiring
that
pregnant
people
go
through
a
72-hour
waiting
period,
and
that
both
parents,
a
legal
guardian
or
a
judge
consent
to
a
minor’s
abortion,
according
to
the
Center
for
Reproductive
Rights.
“It’s
not
just
the
complete
ban
that
will
be
litigated,”
Sobel
stated.
“Potentially,
there’ll
be
other
restrictions
that
will
also
be
litigated,
because
what
everyone
forgets
is
that
there
were
restrictions
before
the
ban.
All
of
it
would
need
to
be
overturned,
not
just
the
ban
itself.
Many
providers
might
be
waiting
to
see
where
the
dust
settles
before
they
just
move
back
and
set
up
shop
again.
Because
it’s
obviously
an
investment
of
resources,
time
and
their
livelihoods.
It
is
definitely
not
like
turning
a
light
switch
on.”
Curry-Winchell
also
expressed
concern
about
the
future
pipeline
and
representation
of
doctors,
who
may
avoid
going
into
specialties
like
OB-GYN
or
family
medicine
because
of
the
restrictions
and
bans
in
some
states.
“As
a
Black
female
physician,
I
represent
less
than
3%
of
physicians
in
the
U.S.,
although
the
overall
Black
population
is
greater
than
14%,”
she
said.
“What’s
to
come
from
that?
Because
we
do
know
representation
is
a
huge
piece
of
being
able
to
help
with
better
outcomes,
just
overall
help
with
trust.”
There
are
also
economic
effects
of
strict
abortion
laws.
For
example,
New
Mexico
has
begun
putting
billboards
in
Texas
to
recruit
doctors
to
New
Mexico
so
they
can
safely
practice.
And
if
physicians
depart
there
is
a
direct
and
indirect
impact
on
the
community,
to
the
tune
of
about
$1
million
plus
a
year
per
physician.
As
for
future
ballot
initiatives,
the
only
states
left
with
bans
that
haven’t
had
citizen-initiated
measures
since
Dobbs
are
Arkansas
and
Oklahoma.
“The
game
is
only
in
Oklahoma
and
Arkansas
at
the
moment.
…
Every
other
state
that
has
a
ban
or
early
gestational
limit
does
not
allow
for
citizen-initiated
process,
so
there’s
no
way
for
the
citizens
to
overrule
their
legislative
actions,”
Sobel
said.
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