On The Dotted Line – Above the Law

The
overwhelming
majority
of
patent
cases
settle
at
some
point
in
their
lifespan.
Some
settle
quickly
after
a
case
is
filed,
while
others
do
not
reach
their
denouement
until
after
a
trip
up
to
the
Federal
Circuit
or
even
the
Supreme
Court.
No
matter
how
convoluted
a
path
a
patent
case
may
take
to
its
final
destination,
the
reality
is
that
a
negotiated
resolution,
rather
than
with
an
executed
judgment,
is
almost
always
how
a
case
ends.

Considering
the
importance
of
settlement
to
patent
cases,
you
would
think
that
law
firms
would
invest
as
much
into
training
their
less
experienced
attorneys
on
the
set
of
skills
necessary
to
achieve
good
client
outcomes
at
settlement
as
they
do
in
training
up-and-coming
litigators
on
how
to
take
a
deposition,
for
example.
Maybe
some
firms
do,
but
speaking
from
personal
experience,
in
order
to
make
partner
in
IP
litigation
at
my
prior
Biglaw
firm,
I
needed
to
undergo
rigorous
trial
and
litigation
skills
training.
Settlement
training?
That
was
for
figuring
out
on
your
own,
assuming
that
you
were
lucky
enough
to
get
assigned
a
settlement
agreement
to
draft
and
negotiate
in
the
first
place.

Despite
a
lack
of
formal
training
in
the
settlement
arts
as
associates

a
program
for
which
should
be
considered
by
firms
with
robust
patent
litigation
practices,
which
necessarily
also
have
robust
patent
litigation
settlement
practices,
even
if
no
one
thinks
of
it
that
way

we
can
assume
that
most
experienced
patent
litigators
learn
how
to
get
a
settlement
closed
over
the
course
of
their
careers.

In
most
patent
litigation
scenarios,
all
it
takes
is
a
straightforward
settlement
and
license
agreement,
where
most
of
the
negotiation
is
centered
on
the
amount
of
money
changing
hands
and
payment
terms,
if
any
is
at
all.
There
are
of
course
more
demanding
situations,
where
licensing
specialists
may
be
brought
in
to
assist
the
litigation
team
in
an
effort
to
protect
the
client’s
interests
to
their
maximum.
Most
cases
do
not
present
the
complexity
or
importance
to
justify
that
type
of
expense,
however,
which
means
that
in
practice
most
settlement
agreements
are
handled
by
the
litigation
team.
In
practice,
that
often
means
a
more
junior
member
is
given
the
task
of
updating
a
previously
used
agreement
to
at
least
serve
at
the
first
turn
of
a
document
that
will
be
sent
to
the
other
side
for
comment
and
revision.

It
is
understandable,
particularly
in
situations
where
a
case
has
not
yet
gotten
off
the
ground
or
where
many
years
of
intense
fighting
have
fizzled
out
with
clients
willing
to
hang
up
their
gloves,
that
there
can
be
a
distinct
lack
of
focus
given
to
something
as
prosaic
as
an
initial
draft
of
a
settlement
agreement.
That
is
particularly
true
where
the
expectation
is
that
the
initial
draft
will
be
sent
back
with
voluminous
comments
and
redlines
from
the
other
side,
even
in
those
rare
cases
where
all
the
key
terms
are
agreed
to
before
that
first
draft
is
sent.

Sometimes,
that
lack
of
focus
can
come
back
to
create
problems,
as
a
recent
District
of
Delaware

decision

points
out

to
the
chagrin
of
a
branded
pharmaceutical
company
that
sought
to
enforce
a
settlement
agreement
that
they
had
thought
was
a
done
deal.
(As
usual,
there
is
some
great
commentary
on
the
decision
over
at
the

IP/DE
blog
,
which
I
recommend.)
Besides
providing
interesting
fodder
for
the
next
episode
of
“Patent
Settlements
Gone
Wrong,”
a
few
interesting
tidbits
in
the
decision
are
worthy
of
attention.

To
start,
it
was
a
real
pleasure
to
read
a
decision
in
a
patent
case
that
had
hyperlinks
to
both
the
briefing
leading
up
to
the
motion
as
well
as
to
cited
cases
and
statutes.
It
makes
for
a
more
immersive
review
experience
and
I
hope
that
other
judges
decide
to
do
likewise
when
issuing
decisions
of
their
own.
That
aside,
it
was
also
a
curious
artifact
of
the
Hatch-Waxman
litigation
regime
that
you
had
the
plaintiff
here
pushing
to
enforce
the
purported
settlement
agreement

in
effect
arguing
that
its
claim
should
be
dropped
in
favor
of
a
negotiated
resolution.
(While
I
have
been
in
the
position
of
representing
a
patent
owner
trying
to
get
a
recalcitrant
defendant
to
finalize
a
settlement
agreement
after
they
had
agreed
to
a
licensing
payment,
it
is
also
true
that
defendants
sometimes
find
themselves
trying
to
get
a
plaintiff
to
follow
through
on
a
proffered
deal.)

Here,
settlement
discussions
started
about
a
month
before
the
complaint
was
even
filed,
lasting
about
six
months
before
breaking
down
on
the
eve
of
execution
of
the
negotiated
agreement.
Upset
about
the
deal
flying
away,
the
plaintiff
moved
to
enforce
the
settlement
agreement,
on
the
grounds
that
but
for
the
signatures,
the
parties
had
come
to
a
meeting
of
the
minds
on
all
the
relevant
terms.
But
the
court
rejected
that
reasoning,
pointing
to
the
fact
that
a
clause
explicitly
stating
signatures
were
necessary
for
a
final
agreement
had
been
included
from
the
very
first
turn
of
the
settlement
agreement
draft.

Add
in
that
the
initial
draft
was
a
“template”
provided
by
the
plaintiff
themselves,
as
well
as
the
fact
that
neither
party
had
actively
negotiated
any
changes
to
that
provision,
and
it
was
clear
to
the
court
that
both
sides
knew
“that
signatures
were
a
necessary
condition
to
settling
the
matter.”

Boilerplate
language
from
a
template?
Enough
to
sink
a
deal
that
might
have
prevented
many
years
and
dollars
that
have
and
will
be
invested
in
litigation.

Ultimately,
this
decision
highlights
the
continued
importance
of
making
sure
that
each
and
every
draft
of
a
settlement
agreement
is
reviewed
thoroughly
before
being
shared
with
the
other
side.
At
the
same
time,
the
decision
also
reminds
us
that
even
though
the
temperature
around
settlement
negotiations
is
often
much
lower
than
what
we
often
see
in
active
litigation,
everyone
involved
in
settlement
talks
must
bring
their
utmost
attention
and
focus
to
that
effort.
Because
mistakes
happen,
even
to
sophisticated
companies
represented
by
sophisticated
and
able
counsel, and
we
all
have
been
reminded
that
the
deal
may
not
be
done
until
everyone
signs
on
the
dotted
line.


Please
feel
free
to
send
comments
or
questions
to
me
at

[email protected]

or
via
Twitter:

@gkroub
.
Any
topic
suggestions
or
thoughts
are
most
welcome.




Gaston
Kroub
lives
in
Brooklyn
and
is
a
founding
partner
of




Kroub,
Silbersher
&
Kolmykov
PLLC
,
an
intellectual
property
litigation
boutique,
and 
Markman
Advisors
LLC
,
a
leading
consultancy
on
patent
issues
for
the
investment
community.
Gaston’s
practice
focuses
on
intellectual
property
litigation
and
related
counseling,
with
a
strong
focus
on
patent
matters.
You
can
reach
him
at 
[email protected] or
follow
him
on
Twitter: 
@gkroub.

6 Years Of Future Ready Lawyer Reports – Above the Law

Last
fall,

Wolters
Kluwer

released
the
sixth
annual
installment
of
the
Future
Ready
Lawyer
report.
Time
has
flown
and
the
legal
profession
has
moved
just
as
quickly,
if
not
faster.
Consider
the
inaugural
2019
survey
that
asked
700
lawyers
across
the
U.S.
and
Europe
to
“assess
their
current
state
and
future
priorities
and
preparedness
to
identify
what
it
will
take
to
be
future
ready.”
It
found
that
69%
of
responding
attorneys
believed
that
understanding
which
technologies
to
deploy
was
important

which
of
course
implies
that
31%
did
not
find
it
important. 
Additionally,
no
consensus
was
reported
on
which
technologies
would
have
an
impact.

The
2019
survey
also
identified
top
challenges

addressing
technology,
dealing
with
increased
complexity
and
volume
of
data,
and
managing
changing
client
and
leadership
expectations

that
less
than
40%
of
respondents
felt
they
were
prepared
to
address
by
2022.
Additionally,
fewer
than
24%
said
they
understood
transformational
technologies
such
as
AI.
And
only
53%
of
lawyers
indicated
their
organization’s
technology
investment
would
increase
over
a
3-year
period
that
would
end
in
2022.

All
of
this
tracks
with
the
traditional
perception
of
the
legal
profession
as
an
industry
that
proceeds
cautiously

and
slowly

in
the
direction
of
new
technologies.
However,
notable
exceptions
are
present.
Legal
professionals
were
some
of
the
first
to
adopt
online
full-text
research.
The
legal
industry
was
ahead
of
the
curve
in
the
use
of
word
processing
features
and
plug-ins.
And
e-discovery
leveraged
search,
AI,
and
semantic
processing
well
before
the
typical
corporate
IT
department
had
those
items
on
their
radar.

The
respondents
of
the
2019
Future
Ready
Lawyer
report
could
not
have
anticipated
the
seismic
global
events
on
the
horizon
that
would
shape
the
direction
of
legal
services.
In
2020,
lockdowns
due
to
COVID-19
pushed
an
otherwise
cautious
and
deliberate
industry
forward.
Zoom
and
Teams
calls
became
the
norm
as
online
meetings
were
essential
to
preserve
communication
with
staff
and
clients
who
couldn’t
meet
physically.
Online
research
spiked
as
attorneys
who
might
have
still
reached
for
a
printed
publication
were
unable
to
access
content
in
any
other
way
but
electronically.
And
digital
signature
platforms
like
DocuSign
became
cemented
as
the
de
facto
way
to
complete
and
memorialize
transactions.

The
changes
driven
by
the
pandemic
kept
firms
and
law
departments
busy
while
the
world
prepared
to
change
once
again.
On
November
30,
2022,
ChatGPT3.5
Turbo
was
released
and
promptly
went
viral.
For
the
first
time,
managing
partners
at
firms
began
to
truly
care
about
technology.

Case
in
point:
The
2023
Future
Ready
Lawyer
survey
demonstrated
a
consensus
among
a
wide
majority
of
respondents
(87%)
that
technology
had
improved
their
work,
while
91%
of
lawyers
surveyed
felt
that
access
to
the
latest
tools
and
technology
was
important.
One
year,
the
2024
Future
Ready
Lawyer
report
would
show
that
76%
of
law
department
attorneys
and
68%
of
law
firm
attorneys
use
GenAI
at
least
once
per
week

a
frequency
that
suggests
lawyers
may
be
experimenting
with
GenAI
technology
on
a
personal
level,
that
lawyers
are
actually
using
the
technology,
which
is
extremely
important.
Many
well-intentioned
technology
projects
die
because
of
a
lack
of
adoption.

Meanwhile,
even
as
the
number
of
new
technology
startups
and
GenAI
products
continues
to
multiply,
AI
governance
remains
an
emerging
topic.
Firms
and
law
departments
will
need
to
keep
ensuring
users
are
trained
and
informed
in
how
to
use
GenAI
technologies.
They
will
need
to
understand
the
ethical
use
and
have
an
awareness
of
AI
bias.
And
transparency
will
be
required
so
that
clients
and
firms
alike
know
when
AI
was
used.
Some
clients
demand
that
firms
stay
away
from
GenAI
on
their
engagements.
Others
express
interest
in
the
technology
if
it
can
provide
better
outcomes
or
reduce
spend.

The
pace
of
technological
advancement
has
been
tremendous,
with
new
startups
and
a
constant
flow
of
new
GenAI
products
to
evaluate.
The
change
has
been
tremendous,
and
the
demands
on
staff
to
evaluate
and
keep
pace
have
been
overwhelming
for
many.

Last
year,
I
suggested
the

Future
Is
Now

when
it
comes
to
legal
technology.
As
we
move
past
the
AI
hype
cycle
in
the
coming
years
organizations
will
need
to
focus
on
return
on
investment
and
aligning
staff
to
deliver
results.
Talent
training
and
attracting
the
right
talent
that
is
“AI
Ready”
will
become
more
important.

2025
will
be
an
exciting
year
for
the
legal
profession.
Legal
work
must
continue
to
be
accurate
and
correct
so
the
industry
must
continue
to
be
deliberate
in
the
adoption
of
technology.

The
past
five
years
represented
significant
change
for
legal
professionals
and
there
continues
to
be
much
speculation
over
disruption.
As
the
hype
dies
down
a
bit,
we
will
continue
to
see
significant
change
and
a
steady
evolution.
Will
that
be
true
disruption?
Let’s
discuss
in
another
five
years!

Note:
For
each
of
the
past
six
years
the
“Wolters
Kluwer
Future
Ready
Lawyer
Survey”
has
included
insights
from
700
lawyers
in
law
firms
and
corporate
legal
departments
across
the
U.S
and
Europe.
The
survey
examines
how
client
expectations,
technology,
and
market
trends
are
affecting
the
future
of
the
legal
profession
and
how
legal
organizations
are
prepared
to
address
these
challenges.
For
the
latest
report

click
here
.




Ken
Crutchfield
is
Vice
President
and
General
Manager
of
Legal
Markets
at
Wolters
Kluwer
Legal
&
Regulatory
U.S.,
a
leading
provider
of
information,
business
intelligence,
regulatory
and
legal
workflow
solutions.
Ken
has
more
than
three
decades
of
experience
as
a
leader
in
information
and
software
solutions
across
industries.
He
can
be
reached
at 
[email protected].

Are ICHRAs Actually Good for Employers and Employees? – MedCity News

ICHRA

Individual
Coverage
Health
Reimbursement
Arrangement

seems
to
be
the
new
buzzword
of
2025. 

ICHRAs
allow
employers
to
provide
their
employees
pre-tax
dollars
to
cover
the
cost
of
individual
health
insurance
premiums
and
qualified
medical
expenses.
They
were
created
under
the
first
Trump
administration
in
2019
and
became
available
in
2020.
According
to
the

HRA
Council


an
advocacy
organization
for
Health
Reimbursement
Arrangement
administrators
and
more

ICHRA
adoption
rose
29%
between
2023
and
2024
among
the
organization’s
members
(though
it’s
difficult
to
say
for
sure
how
many
employers
are
offering
them).
Multiple
startups
that
help
employers
administer
ICHRAs
have
also
recently
gained
funding,
including

StretchDollar

and

Remodel
Health

The
interest
in
ICHRA
stems
from
dissatisfaction
with
traditional
group
health
insurance.
The
general
consensus
among
those
interviewed
for
this
article
appears
to
be
that
these
plans
present
employees
with
more
choice,
but
at
least
one
employer
advocate
views
them
as
merely
a
temporary
fix
to
a
broken
healthcare
system.

“They
are
a
Band-Aid
that
addresses
a
symptom
that
will
have
no
positive
systemic
benefit,
in
my
view,”
said
Elizabeth
Mitchell,
president
and
CEO
of
Purchaser
Business
Group
on
Health.
“For
reasonably
healthy
people
with
low
healthcare
costs,
I
can
see
why
it
would
be
attractive,
and
maybe
for
some
populations,
it
does
make
sense.
But
we
still
have
to
solve
quality
and
affordability
for
the
system
at
large.”


How
do
ICHRAs
work?

The
creation
of
ICHRAs

came
after

the
launch
of
another
insurance
option
for
employers
with
an
even
longer
acronym:
Qualified
Small
Employer
Health
Reimbursement
Arrangements
(QSEHRA).
QSEHRA
was
created
in
2016
by
the
Obama
administration
and
allowed
small
businesses
with
fewer
than
50
full-time
employees
to
offer
pre-tax
funds
to
their
employees
to
purchase
health
insurance
plans.
However,
there
were
limits,
including
how
much
they
can
offer
and
it
only
applied
to
small
businesses.

So
the
Trump
administration
created
ICHRAs
in
2019,
permitting
employers
of
any
size
to
provide
a
pre-tax
fixed
benefit
of
no
limit
to
their
employees.
And
there
are
several
reasons
why
ICHRAs
have
become
attractive
to
employers,
particularly
small
employers,
according
to
Robin
Paoli,
executive
director
of
the
HRA
Council.
For
small
employers,
it
mostly
has
to
do
with
rising
healthcare
costs,
which
have
made
it
increasingly
difficult
for
them
to
offer
health
insurance.
But
for
larger
employers,
ICHRAs
give
them
more
flexibility
and
allow
their
employees
to
choose
the
plan
that
best
suits
their
needs,
such
as
a
plan
offered
by
their
preferred
carrier,
one
that
covers
their
preferred
hospital
or
a
plan
that’s
tailored
to
a
specific
condition.
With
group
insurance,
employees
at
a
4,500-person
company,
for
example,
may
only
have
a
handful
of
plans
to
choose
from.

When
employers
offer
an
ICHRA,
they
are
able
to
separate
their
employees
into
different
classes,
such
as
full-time
employees,
part-time
employees
or
by
different
geographic
areas,
for
instance.
Then
they
decide
what
amount
each
employee
class
will
receive.
Reimbursements
can
be
increased
for
older
employees
and
those
with
more
dependents. 

Employees
can
then

purchase

individual
health
insurance
through
a
provider,
through
the
ACA
exchange
or
even
Medicare,
if
eligible.
They
can
use
the
funds
for
qualified
medical
expenses,
like
to
diagnose,
treat
and
prevent
a
disease.

It’s
important
to
note,
however,
that
while
employers
can
offer
one
class
of
employees
an
ICHRA
plan
and
another
class
a
group
health
insurance
plan,
they
cannot
offer
both
to
one
class
at
the
same
time.
For
example,
a
business
can
give
full-time
employees
group
health
insurance
and
part-time
employees
an
ICHRA,
but
full-time
employees
can’t
be
offered
both
group
health
insurance
and
an
ICHRA.

While
small
employers
have
been
the
biggest
adopters
of
ICHRA,
large
employers
are
the
fastest-growing
cohort,
HRA
Council’s
data
shows.

An
executive
at
a
tech-enabled
insurance
company
that
has
been
a
major
advocate
of
ICHRA
agreed
that
there
is
increased
interest
among
large
employers.
Louis
DeStefano,
senior
vice
president
of
growth
at
Oscar
Health,
anticipates
seeing
large
employers
test
out
ICHRA
plans
with
certain
subsets
of
their
population
first,
such
as
those
in
geographic
regions
with
good
ACA
plans. 

“I
don’t
think
you’re
going
to
see
a
100,000-life
employer
move
their
entire
population
tomorrow
to
ICHRA,
but
I
think
they
are
asking
the
questions
and
trying
to
understand
what
pieces
of
their
population
this
could
serve
the
best,”
he
said.

However,
administering
ICHRA
plans
may
be
confusing
to
employers,
and
choosing
a
plan
on
the
ACA
exchanges
could
be
burdensome
to
employees.
That’s
where
startups
like

Thatch
,

StretchDollar

and

Take
Command

are
coming
into
play.
These
companies
help
educate
brokers
and
employers
on
ICHRA,
as
well
as
assist
them
in
setting
up
ICHRA
plans
for
their
employees.
They
also
help
employees
shop
for
the
right
health
plans
for
them.

“On
the
educational
front
there
is
still
much
work
to
be
done,”
said
Kyle
Estep,
senior
vice
president
of
strategy
at
Take
Command.
“Job
one
has
been
to
educate
insurance
agents
and
large
brokerage/consulting
firms
in
the
employee
benefits
space.
These
folks
drive
the
market.
In
addition,
we
are
still
in
the
early
days
of
building
traction
with
HR
&
finance
professionals
that
sit
at
the
decision-making
table.”


Are
ICHRAs
beneficial
to
employers
and
employees?

The
main
benefit
of
ICHRAs
for
employees
is
that
it
provides
them
with
choice.
For
example,
someone
who
has
diabetes
can
choose
a
plan
that
fits
that
need,
or
a
Spanish-speaking
individual
can
select
a
plan
that
caters
to
that
language.
DeStefano
equated
it
to
the
transition
from
pensions
to
401Ks.

“You’re
putting
the
power
back
into
the
employees,”
he
said.
“And
I
think
what’s
so
telling
about
ICHRA
is
that
three
plans
for
a
large
employer
doesn’t
really
fit
the
needs
of
all
their
families.

Everything
we
buy
in
this
country,
we
have
tons
of
choices.
We
just
came
out
of
the
holidays
and
there
was
an
unlimited
amount
of
choices
for
what
we
would
purchase,
but
I
can’t
do
that
with
my
healthcare
plan.
I
think
that’s
really
the
shift,
and
I
think
that’s
why
in
the
long
term,
it’ll
be
successful.”

Another
benefit
is
that
people
can
potentially
keep
their
plan
even
if
they
leave
their
employer,
versus
traditional
insurance
in
which
employees
lose
their
coverage
after
leaving
their
job,
according
to
Christina
Farr,
managing
director
at
consulting
firm
Manatt
Health.

Still,
employees
need
to
be
sophisticated
to
shop
for
their
needs
and
in
that
sense
ICHRAs
place
a
heavy
burden,
argued
Mitchell
of
PBGH.

“Choosing
a
health
plan
or
choosing
a
health
system
is
Byzantine
and
incredibly
challenging
to
compare
and
to
understand,”
she
said.
“The
entire
problem
with
U.S.
healthcare
is
it
is
an
absolutely
dysfunctional
non-market,
where
there’s
no
information,
there’s
no
way
to
compare
quality
or
cost,
there
is
almost
no
way
to
even
get
an
appointment
half
the
time,
and
that’s
when
you
are
part
of
a
larger
group.
…It
is
not
a
fair
thing
to
ask
a
consumer
to
navigate
an
unnavigable
system.”

In
a
recent

LinkedIn
post
,
another
healthcare
expert
questioned
whether
ICHRAs
actually
give
employees
access
to
quality
healthcare.

“I
really
wonder
if
any
of
these
ICHRA
evangelists
have
ever
bought
an
individual
health
plan?”
said
Ari
Gottlieb,
principal
of
consulting
group
A2
Strategy
Corp.
“What
they
would
find,
generally,
are
plans
that
have
Medicaid-based,
limited
provider
networks,
with
most
lacking
out-of-state
coverage
and
excluding
leading
health
systems.”

Paoli
of
HRA
Council
did
note
that
while
she
believes
ICHRAs
work
for
a
variety
of
consumers,
she
can
see
why
someone
with
complex
conditions
may
prefer
receiving
coverage
through
traditional
group
insurance.
That
said,
she
thinks
ICHRA
works
for
the
majority
of
people
because
it’s
ACA-compliant
insurance.

The
benefits
to
employers
are
much
clearer. 

To
them


especially
smaller
businesses

ICHRAs
offer
the
potential
to
lower
healthcare
costs,
believes
Molly
Chidester,
deputy
director
of
health
care
innovation
at
Morgan
Health,
a
business
unit
of
JPMorgan
Chase
focused
on
employer-sponsored
insurance.

“Rising
health
care
costs
are
especially
burdensome
for
small
and
mid-size
businesses
and
ICHRAs
could
potentially
help
alleviate
that
impact

particularly
in
states
where
the
individual
market
is
competitively
priced
relative
to
group
plans,”
Chidester
said.
“ICHRAs
make
health
care
costs
more
predictable
and
have
helped
some
small
businesses
offer
health
benefits
for
the
first
time.”

However,
Mitchell
doesn’t
entirely
agree
that
ICHRAs
will
have
a
meaningful
impact
on
healthcare
costs
for
employers. 

“My
question
about
ICHRAs
is,
what
do
people
think
will
hold
costs
down
with
an
ICHRA?”
she
argued.
“If
jumbo
companies
spending
literally
billions
of
dollars
a
year
are
challenged
to
negotiate
lower
costs,
how
would
an
individual
with
a
defined
amount
of
cash
do
that?
So
it
might
be
a
nice
short-term
off
ramp,
but
there
is
no
mechanism
that
would
actually
drive
affordability
or
have
any
downward
pressure
on
costs.”

In
other
words,
by
putting
the
responsibility
on
the
employee
to
pick
health
plans,
it’s
giving
up
the
bargaining
power
that
employers
have
with
health
systems
and
insurers.
That
said,
this
argument
mainly
applies
to
large
self-funded
employers,
as
small
employers
don’t
have
a
lot
of
negotiating
power. 

While
it’s
difficult
to
say
just
how
many
employers
are
turning
to
ICHRAs
as
there
is
no
reporting
requirement,
Paoli
anticipates
adoption
to
continue
to
increase.
The
evidence
is
clear
from
market
trends.

“Investors
are
very
interested
in
companies
that
are
administrating
and
implementing
and
enrolling
ICHRAs,
and
more
and
more
insurance
companies
are
hiring
and
training
staff
in
the
rules
and
regulations
around
ICHRA
and
QSERHA
and
HRAs
generally,”
she
said.
“With
the
insurance
companies
doing
that
and
with
investors
being
interested,
you
know
that
a
bunch
of
employers
are
making
this
move.”


Photo:
sdecoret,
Getty
Images

Morning Docket: 01.28.25 – Above the Law

*
Administration
fires
career
DOJ
lawyers
who
worked
on
Trump
cases,
claiming
that
the
non-partisan
attorneys
“could
not
be
trusted”
because
they
weren’t
down
with
private
citizens
stealing
nuclear
codes.
[Reuters]

*
Reese
Witherspoon
served
on
a
jury
and
everyone
was
convinced
Elle
Woods
was
real.
America
is
cooked.
[Variety]

*
Tom
Goldstein
pleads
not
guilty.
Released
on
bond
secured
by
his
residence…
a
residence
that
is
implicated
in
the
loan
fraud
part
of
the
complaint.
[Bloomberg
Law
News
]

*
Law
firm
halts
trading
of
its
shares
as
internal
management
remains
a
mess.
[Financial
Times
]

*
White
House
considering
“God
Squad”
loophole
allowing
cabinet
officials
to
exempt
individual
actions
from
species
regulations.
[NY
Times
]

*
State
AGs
threaten
legal
action
against
Costco
after
private
corporation’s
shareholders
nix
measure
to
reject
diversity
commitment.
[Newsweek]

*
Biglaw
struggles
with
partner
pay
as
the
top
rainmakers
blow
the
roof
off
the
model.
[American
Lawyer
]

Alina Habba Did What She Does Best (Lie) – Above the Law

(Photo
by
Julia
Demaree
Nikhinson

Pool/Getty
Images)

Alina
Habba
is
back,
baby.
And
she’s
better
than
ever!

And
by
“better”
we
mean
even
more
hilariously
indignant
and
wrong
about
the
law
than
when
she
was
just
a
rich
bitch

harassing
a
waitress

at
the
breakfast
bar.

Here
she
is
on
Fox
this
morning
doing
her
best
90s
mean
girl
act
in
an
attempt
to
dunk
on
Senator
Chuck
Schumer.

“First,
Chuck,
your
attorney
general
is
not

the

attorney
general.
We
have
an
attorney
general.
That
would
be
Pam
Bondi,”
she
huffed.
“And
what
your
opinion
is
on
what
the
law
is
doesn’t
really
matter.
It’s
what
the
White
House
Counsel
says
and
what
our
attorney
general
of
the
United
States
says.”

Habba’s
interpretive
dance
was
in
support
of
Trump’s
wildly
illegal
freeze
on
virtually
all
federal
loans
and
grants.
As
first

reported

by
independent
journalist
Marisa
Kabas,
the
Office
of
Management
and
Budget
put
out
a

memo

yesterday
“pausing”
the
disbursement
of
already
allocated
and
contracted
funds.

The
letter
starts
off
strong,
suggesting
that
“In
Fiscal
Year
2024,
of
the
nearly
$10
trillion
that
the
Federal
Government
spent,
more
than
$3
trillion
was
Federal
financial
assistance,
such
as
grants
and
loans.” 

The
actual
spending
was

$6.75
trillion
,
but
what’s
a
couple
trillion
one
way
or
the
other,

amirite
?

“Financial
assistance
should
be
dedicated
to
advancing
Administration
priorities,
focusing
taxpayer
dollars
to
advance
a
stronger
and
safer
America,
eliminating
the
financial
burden
of
inflation
for
citizens,
unleashing
American
energy
and
manufacturing,
ending
“wokeness”
and
the
weaponization
of
government,
promoting
efficiency
in
government,
and
Making
America
Healthy
Again,”
it
went
on.
“To
the
extent
permissible
under
applicable
law,
Federal
agencies
must
temporarily
pause
all
activities
related
to
obligation
or
disbursement
of
all
Federal
financial
assistance,
and
other
relevant
agency
activities
that
may
be
implicated
by
the
executive
orders,
including,
but
not
limited
to,
financial
assistance
for
foreign
aid,
nongovernmental
organizations,
DEI,
woke
gender
ideology,
and
the
green
new
deal.”

Yeah,
they’re
shutting
down
the
government
so
they
can
get
rid
of
any
mention
of
“pregnant
people”
and
let
Elon
Musk
take
a
machete
to
the
budget.
Meanwhile,
Medicaid
and
Head
Start
payment
portals
are

closed
down
,
people
in
Africa
are
being

cut
off

from
the
antiretrovirals
that
have
been
keeping
them
alive,
and
no
one
knows
if
school
lunches
or
Meals
on
Wheels
are
going
to
get
the
axe.
It’s
a

flagrant
violation

of
the
Constitution,
which
gives
Congress
the
power
of
the
purse,
as
well
as
the
Impoundment
Control
Act
of
1974,
which
specifies
the
narrow
circumstances
under
which
the
president
can
refuse
to
spend
funds.
It’s
also
a
violation
of
thousands
of
individual
contracts
with
organizations
which
are
counting
on
getting
the
money.

Meanwhile,
among
the
people
with
the

actual
power

to
set
the
federal
budget,
there
seems
to
be
general
confusion

or
a
group
decision
to
fake
it,
anyway

about
whether
the
federal
appropriations
bill
is
really
A
LAW.

But
our
pal
Alina
is
an
IRL
lawyer,
or
plays
one
on
TV
anyway.
And
so
she
should
understand
that
the
last
word
on
LAW,
HOW
DOES
IT
GO???
does
not
belong
to
the
White
House
Counsel
or
even
the
Attorney
General

although
seeing
the
amazing
horseshit
they’re
going
to
cook
up
to
defend
this
clusterfuck
may
be
worth
the
price
of
admission.
(JK,
it
will
not.)

Luckily,
it’s
just
Fox,
so
the
only
pushback
she
got
was
from
a
dead-eyed
John
Roberts
(the
reporter,
not
the
feckless
jurist
at
One
First
Street),
who
pointed
out
that
Pam
Bondi
hasn’t
been
confirmed
yet. 

In
the
meantime,
everyone
and
their
mother
is
filing
suit
to
stop
this
insane
power
grab.
Maybe
the
White
House
will
deputize
Habba
to
defend
them.
Her
record
is
less
than
stellar,
but
she’s
willing
to
say
literally
any
dumb
thing,
so…





Liz
Dye
 lives
in
Baltimore
where
she
produces
the
Law
and
Chaos substack and podcast.

Pardon Me – Above the Law

(Photo
by
Win
McNamee/Getty
Images)

Let’s
think
first
about
the
Biden
pardons;
after
that,
the
Trump
pardons.

I
understand,
if
I
don’t
necessarily
agree
with,
President
Biden’s
pardons
of
his
son,
Hunter;
the
January
6
Committee;
and
other
Biden
family
members.

When
first
asked,
Biden
shouldn’t
have
flatly
denied
any
intent
to
pardon
Hunter;
that
makes
Biden
a
liar.
Biden
should
instead
have
said,
before
Hunter
was
convicted,
that
the
elder
Biden
would
reserve
judgment
on
pardoning
Hunter
to
see
how
the
process
played
out.
After
Hunter
was
convicted,
the
president
should
have
said,
basically,
“I
love
my
son.
He’s
not
dangerous
or
a
threat
to
national
security.
I’m
the
president.
I’m
pardoning
Hunter.
I
know
that
you
may
criticize
me
for
this,
but
that’s
the
way
it
is.”

That
wouldn’t
have
made
the
pardon
any
more
correct,
but
I
think
Americans
generally
would
have
understood
the
sentiment.

I
also
understand,
if
I
don’t
necessarily
agree
with,
the
pardons
of
the
January
6
Committee
and
the
other
Biden
family
members.
None
of
these
people
had
been
charged
with,
let
alone
convicted
of,
any
crimes.
But
all
of
these
people
had
been
personally
threatened
by
Trump
and
folks
associated
with
Trump.

It’s
a
bit
unusual
(though
not
unprecedented;
think
of
Jimmy
Carter’s
pardon
of
Vietnam
War
draft
dodgers)
to
pardon
people
who
have
not
been
convicted
of
anything.
It’s
also
a
dangerous
precedent
to
have
presidents
start
pardoning
their
family
members;
I
wouldn’t
like
pardoning
all
the
relatives
to
become
routine
at
the
end
of
every
president’s
term.
But
I
understand
why
Biden
decided
to
do
this.
If
Trump’s
going
to
threaten
folks
who
have
not
been
indicted
or
charged,
then
Biden’s
going
to
protect
those
people.

(I’m
sure
that
I’ll
hear
from
some
Trump
loyalists
that
the
“Biden
crime
family”
is
all
guilty
as
sin.
That’s
why
I’ve
phrased
the
previous
paragraphs
carefully:
Other
than
Hunter,
none
of
Biden’s
relatives
have
been
charged
with,
or
convicted
of,
anything.
That’s
indisputable.)

Let’s
think
now
about
Trump’s
January
6
pardons.
Again,
I’m
certain
to
hear
from
Trump
loyalists
that
all
the
January
6
rioters
were
members
of
antifa,
FBI
informants,
or
tourists
simply
visiting
the
Capitol
Building.
But
remember
what
Republicans

Republicans

said
about
January
6
immediately
after
the
event. 


The
Atlantic

recently
had
an
article
collecting
those
contemporaneous
Republican
reactions.
We
all
know
that
Mitch
McConnell,
Lindsey
Graham,
and
Kevin
McCarthy
blamed
Trump
on,
or
just
after,
January
6,
2021.
But
I’m
not
sure
I
knew
that
Elise
Stefanik,
soon
to
be
Trump’s
ambassador
to
the
United
Nations,
said,
“The
perpetrators
of
this
un-American
violence
and
destruction
must
be
prosecuted
to
the
fullest
extent
of
the
law.”
Doug
Burgum,
soon
to
be
Trump’s
Secretary
of
the
Interior,
said,
“The
violence
happening
at
our
nation’s
capital
is
reprehensible
and
does
not
represent
American
values,
and
needs
to
stop
immediately.” 
In
fact,
I’d
forgotten
completely
that Trump
himself
 said
shortly
after
January
6
that “those
who
broke
the
law,
you
will
pay,”
and
Trump
later
vowed
that
“those
who
engaged
in
the
attacks
last
week
will
be
brought
to
justice.”

I
guess
Americans
really
do
have
the
memory
of
a
goldfish.
But
my
argument
starts
from
the
premise
that
there
was
violence
on
January
6
and
folks
who
engaged
in
that
violence
were
appropriately
tried
and
sentenced.

What’s
the
excuse
for
Trump
having
given
blanket
pardons
or
commutations
to
people
involved
in
the
January
6
riot?

That
the
rioters
didn’t
do
anything
wrong?
That’s
what
Trump’s
saying
now,
but
it’s
simply
not
true.
And
anyone
who
watched
TV
on
January
6,
or
listened
to
Republicans
at
the
time,
knows
that
Trump
and
his
supporters
are
now
lying.

Perhaps
it’s
OK
for
Trump
to
pardon
the
January
6
rioters
because
Biden
issued
some
pardons?

No.
Biden’s
pardons
were
only
marginally,
if
at
all,
misguided.
Biden
didn’t
release
dangerous
convicts.
Trump,
in
contrast,
gave
wholesale
pardons
and
commutations
to
nearly
1,600
people
who
had
been
charged,
convicted,
and
sentenced.

None
of
the
folks
convicted
in
the
January
6
riots
had
committed
violent
crimes?

According
to Lawfare,
these
are
the
statistics:

Of
the
total
1,583
arrested,
according
to
the
department’s
figures,
608

or
38
percent

were
charged
with
either
assaulting
or
impeding
federal
police
officers.
Of
those
that
assaulted
officers,
174
were
charged
with
an
enhanced
version
of
the
crime
for
using
deadly
or
dangerous
weapons
or
for
inflicting
bodily
harm
on
the
officer.

Some
folks
were
convicted
of
seditious
conspiracy
for
plotting
to
keep
President
Trump
in
power
and
amassing
weapons
for
that
purpose.
Sentences
ranged
up
to
22
years.
That
ain’t
beanbag.

Maybe
folks
sentenced
to
prison
for
their
conduct
on
January
6
had
already
suffered
enough?

Not
in
the
eyes
of
the
judges,
and
sentencing
guidelines,
which
said
that
some
of
these
criminals
should
have
spent
much,
much
longer
in
prison
than
they
did.

Maybe
the
Black
Lives
Matter
protestors
weren’t
prosecuted,
so
the
January
6
protestors
shouldn’t
have
been
prosecuted
either?

Be
serious.
First,
anyone
who
destroyed
property
or
injured
people
in
any
protest
should
be
prosecuted.
Black
Lives
Matter,
January
6
rioters,
whoever.
Get
real.

Second,
at
least
some
Black
Lives
Matter
protestors
were
prosecuted.
For
example,
prosecutors
brought
charges
including
arson,
assault,
and
felony
assault
for
the
riot
in
Portland,
Oregon. 
 

Moreover,
neither
you
nor
I
know
exactly
what
happened
in
Portland
(or,
for
that
matter,
at
the
Capitol
Building).
We
don’t
know
precisely
how
serious
the
violence
was.
We
don’t
know
who
did
what
to
whom.
We
don’t
know
what
prosecutions
would
have
faced
evidentiary
problems
at
trial

although
it’s
likely
that
there
were
more
security
cameras,
broadcast
television
cameras,
and
personal
iPhone
cameras
at
the
Capitol
than
in
Portland,
which
probably
aided
the
prosecutions
of
those
who
invaded
the
Capitol. 

Maybe
the
January
6
rioters
should
escape
punishment
because
you’ve
heard
stories
about
some
guy
in
Portland
or
Minneapolis
who
should
have
been
prosecuted
and
wasn’t?

You
have
no
clue
if
the
story
you
heard
was
true.
Even
if
it
were
true,
what
does
the
story
tell
us?
People
routinely
argue
that
“There
was
a
blizzard
yesterday,
so
climate
change
is
a
hoax,”
or
“I
heard
about
one
time
when
a
good
guy
with
a
gun
caught
an
escaping
criminal,
so
there’s
no
need
for
gun
control.”
If
you
think
that
these
sorts
of
anecdotes
constitute
argumentation,
you
need
a
lesson
in
logic.

Lastly,
think
of
the
timing
of
the
pardons.
Biden
issued
pardons
as
he
left
office,
which
is
the
usual
way
of
doing
these
things.
The
president
skulks
out
of
office,
no
longer
having
to
face
the
electorate,
and
he
does
some
crappy
stuff
as
he
leaves. 
(Ask
Bill
Clinton
about
Marc
Rich.)
Those
who
were
pardoned
feel
lucky,
but
they
do
not
feel
empowered
to
commit
more
crimes
in
the
future.
The
criminals
don’t
know
if
they’d
be
pardoned
again,
by
a
different
president,
next
time.

Trump’s
pardons
were
different.

By
pardoning
the
January
6
rioters
on
his
first
day
in
office,
Trump
signaled
to
a
bunch
of
his
supporters,
which
included
white
supremacists
and
violent
criminals,
that
they’re
safe
for
the
next
four
years.
So
long
as
Trump
is
in
office,
folks
don’t
have
to
worry
about
engaging
in
violence
on
behalf
of
him.
(I’m
not
sure
that
Trump
will
pardon
folks
for
engaging
in
pro-Nazi
protests;
Trump
doesn’t
care
about
the
Nazis.
But
Trump
will
probably
pardon
you
for
engaging
in
pro-Trump
protests;
Trump
cares
about
Trump.)
Indeed,
even
the
conservative

Wall
Street
Journal
 recently
noted
that
those
Trump
pardoned
last
week
have
been reenergized
by
his
decision
.

I
don’t
think
Hunter
Biden,
Liz
Cheney,
and
the
others
pardoned
by
Joe
Biden
pose
serious
threats
to
others.

But
those
pardoned
by
Trump? 
The
next
four
years
will
tell.




Mark 
Herrmann spent
17
years
as
a
partner
at
a
leading
international
law
firm
and
later
oversaw
litigation,
compliance
and
employment
matters
at
a
large
international
company.
He
is
the
author
of 
The
Curmudgeon’s
Guide
to
Practicing
Law
 and Drug
and
Device
Product
Liability
Litigation
Strateg
y (affiliate
links).
You
can
reach
him
by
email
at 
[email protected].

Pardon Me – Above the Law

(Photo
by
Win
McNamee/Getty
Images)

Let’s
think
first
about
the
Biden
pardons;
after
that,
the
Trump
pardons.

I
understand,
if
I
don’t
necessarily
agree
with,
President
Biden’s
pardons
of
his
son,
Hunter;
the
January
6
Committee;
and
other
Biden
family
members.

When
first
asked,
Biden
shouldn’t
have
flatly
denied
any
intent
to
pardon
Hunter;
that
makes
Biden
a
liar.
Biden
should
instead
have
said,
before
Hunter
was
convicted,
that
the
elder
Biden
would
reserve
judgment
on
pardoning
Hunter
to
see
how
the
process
played
out.
After
Hunter
was
convicted,
the
president
should
have
said,
basically,
“I
love
my
son.
He’s
not
dangerous
or
a
threat
to
national
security.
I’m
the
president.
I’m
pardoning
Hunter.
I
know
that
you
may
criticize
me
for
this,
but
that’s
the
way
it
is.”

That
wouldn’t
have
made
the
pardon
any
more
correct,
but
I
think
Americans
generally
would
have
understood
the
sentiment.

I
also
understand,
if
I
don’t
necessarily
agree
with,
the
pardons
of
the
January
6
Committee
and
the
other
Biden
family
members.
None
of
these
people
had
been
charged
with,
let
alone
convicted
of,
any
crimes.
But
all
of
these
people
had
been
personally
threatened
by
Trump
and
folks
associated
with
Trump.

It’s
a
bit
unusual
(though
not
unprecedented;
think
of
Jimmy
Carter’s
pardon
of
Vietnam
War
draft
dodgers)
to
pardon
people
who
have
not
been
convicted
of
anything.
It’s
also
a
dangerous
precedent
to
have
presidents
start
pardoning
their
family
members;
I
wouldn’t
like
pardoning
all
the
relatives
to
become
routine
at
the
end
of
every
president’s
term.
But
I
understand
why
Biden
decided
to
do
this.
If
Trump’s
going
to
threaten
folks
who
have
not
been
indicted
or
charged,
then
Biden’s
going
to
protect
those
people.

(I’m
sure
that
I’ll
hear
from
some
Trump
loyalists
that
the
“Biden
crime
family”
is
all
guilty
as
sin.
That’s
why
I’ve
phrased
the
previous
paragraphs
carefully:
Other
than
Hunter,
none
of
Biden’s
relatives
have
been
charged
with,
or
convicted
of,
anything.
That’s
indisputable.)

Let’s
think
now
about
Trump’s
January
6
pardons.
Again,
I’m
certain
to
hear
from
Trump
loyalists
that
all
the
January
6
rioters
were
members
of
antifa,
FBI
informants,
or
tourists
simply
visiting
the
Capitol
Building.
But
remember
what
Republicans

Republicans

said
about
January
6
immediately
after
the
event. 


The
Atlantic

recently
had
an
article
collecting
those
contemporaneous
Republican
reactions.
We
all
know
that
Mitch
McConnell,
Lindsey
Graham,
and
Kevin
McCarthy
blamed
Trump
on,
or
just
after,
January
6,
2021.
But
I’m
not
sure
I
knew
that
Elise
Stefanik,
soon
to
be
Trump’s
ambassador
to
the
United
Nations,
said,
“The
perpetrators
of
this
un-American
violence
and
destruction
must
be
prosecuted
to
the
fullest
extent
of
the
law.”
Doug
Burgum,
soon
to
be
Trump’s
Secretary
of
the
Interior,
said,
“The
violence
happening
at
our
nation’s
capital
is
reprehensible
and
does
not
represent
American
values,
and
needs
to
stop
immediately.” 
In
fact,
I’d
forgotten
completely
that Trump
himself
 said
shortly
after
January
6
that “those
who
broke
the
law,
you
will
pay,”
and
Trump
later
vowed
that
“those
who
engaged
in
the
attacks
last
week
will
be
brought
to
justice.”

I
guess
Americans
really
do
have
the
memory
of
a
goldfish.
But
my
argument
starts
from
the
premise
that
there
was
violence
on
January
6
and
folks
who
engaged
in
that
violence
were
appropriately
tried
and
sentenced.

What’s
the
excuse
for
Trump
having
given
blanket
pardons
or
commutations
to
people
involved
in
the
January
6
riot?

That
the
rioters
didn’t
do
anything
wrong?
That’s
what
Trump’s
saying
now,
but
it’s
simply
not
true.
And
anyone
who
watched
TV
on
January
6,
or
listened
to
Republicans
at
the
time,
knows
that
Trump
and
his
supporters
are
now
lying.

Perhaps
it’s
OK
for
Trump
to
pardon
the
January
6
rioters
because
Biden
issued
some
pardons?

No.
Biden’s
pardons
were
only
marginally,
if
at
all,
misguided.
Biden
didn’t
release
dangerous
convicts.
Trump,
in
contrast,
gave
wholesale
pardons
and
commutations
to
nearly
1,600
people
who
had
been
charged,
convicted,
and
sentenced.

None
of
the
folks
convicted
in
the
January
6
riots
had
committed
violent
crimes?

According
to Lawfare,
these
are
the
statistics:

Of
the
total
1,583
arrested,
according
to
the
department’s
figures,
608

or
38
percent

were
charged
with
either
assaulting
or
impeding
federal
police
officers.
Of
those
that
assaulted
officers,
174
were
charged
with
an
enhanced
version
of
the
crime
for
using
deadly
or
dangerous
weapons
or
for
inflicting
bodily
harm
on
the
officer.

Some
folks
were
convicted
of
seditious
conspiracy
for
plotting
to
keep
President
Trump
in
power
and
amassing
weapons
for
that
purpose.
Sentences
ranged
up
to
22
years.
That
ain’t
beanbag.

Maybe
folks
sentenced
to
prison
for
their
conduct
on
January
6
had
already
suffered
enough?

Not
in
the
eyes
of
the
judges,
and
sentencing
guidelines,
which
said
that
some
of
these
criminals
should
have
spent
much,
much
longer
in
prison
than
they
did.

Maybe
the
Black
Lives
Matter
protestors
weren’t
prosecuted,
so
the
January
6
protestors
shouldn’t
have
been
prosecuted
either?

Be
serious.
First,
anyone
who
destroyed
property
or
injured
people
in
any
protest
should
be
prosecuted.
Black
Lives
Matter,
January
6
rioters,
whoever.
Get
real.

Second,
at
least
some
Black
Lives
Matter
protestors
were
prosecuted.
For
example,
prosecutors
brought
charges
including
arson,
assault,
and
felony
assault
for
the
riot
in
Portland,
Oregon. 
 

Moreover,
neither
you
nor
I
know
exactly
what
happened
in
Portland
(or,
for
that
matter,
at
the
Capitol
Building).
We
don’t
know
precisely
how
serious
the
violence
was.
We
don’t
know
who
did
what
to
whom.
We
don’t
know
what
prosecutions
would
have
faced
evidentiary
problems
at
trial

although
it’s
likely
that
there
were
more
security
cameras,
broadcast
television
cameras,
and
personal
iPhone
cameras
at
the
Capitol
than
in
Portland,
which
probably
aided
the
prosecutions
of
those
who
invaded
the
Capitol. 

Maybe
the
January
6
rioters
should
escape
punishment
because
you’ve
heard
stories
about
some
guy
in
Portland
or
Minneapolis
who
should
have
been
prosecuted
and
wasn’t?

You
have
no
clue
if
the
story
you
heard
was
true.
Even
if
it
were
true,
what
does
the
story
tell
us?
People
routinely
argue
that
“There
was
a
blizzard
yesterday,
so
climate
change
is
a
hoax,”
or
“I
heard
about
one
time
when
a
good
guy
with
a
gun
caught
an
escaping
criminal,
so
there’s
no
need
for
gun
control.”
If
you
think
that
these
sorts
of
anecdotes
constitute
argumentation,
you
need
a
lesson
in
logic.

Lastly,
think
of
the
timing
of
the
pardons.
Biden
issued
pardons
as
he
left
office,
which
is
the
usual
way
of
doing
these
things.
The
president
skulks
out
of
office,
no
longer
having
to
face
the
electorate,
and
he
does
some
crappy
stuff
as
he
leaves. 
(Ask
Bill
Clinton
about
Marc
Rich.)
Those
who
were
pardoned
feel
lucky,
but
they
do
not
feel
empowered
to
commit
more
crimes
in
the
future.
The
criminals
don’t
know
if
they’d
be
pardoned
again,
by
a
different
president,
next
time.

Trump’s
pardons
were
different.

By
pardoning
the
January
6
rioters
on
his
first
day
in
office,
Trump
signaled
to
a
bunch
of
his
supporters,
which
included
white
supremacists
and
violent
criminals,
that
they’re
safe
for
the
next
four
years.
So
long
as
Trump
is
in
office,
folks
don’t
have
to
worry
about
engaging
in
violence
on
behalf
of
him.
(I’m
not
sure
that
Trump
will
pardon
folks
for
engaging
in
pro-Nazi
protests;
Trump
doesn’t
care
about
the
Nazis.
But
Trump
will
probably
pardon
you
for
engaging
in
pro-Trump
protests;
Trump
cares
about
Trump.)
Indeed,
even
the
conservative

Wall
Street
Journal
 recently
noted
that
those
Trump
pardoned
last
week
have
been reenergized
by
his
decision
.

I
don’t
think
Hunter
Biden,
Liz
Cheney,
and
the
others
pardoned
by
Joe
Biden
pose
serious
threats
to
others.

But
those
pardoned
by
Trump? 
The
next
four
years
will
tell.




Mark 
Herrmann spent
17
years
as
a
partner
at
a
leading
international
law
firm
and
later
oversaw
litigation,
compliance
and
employment
matters
at
a
large
international
company.
He
is
the
author
of 
The
Curmudgeon’s
Guide
to
Practicing
Law
 and Drug
and
Device
Product
Liability
Litigation
Strateg
y (affiliate
links).
You
can
reach
him
by
email
at 
[email protected].

Pardon Me – Above the Law

(Photo
by
Win
McNamee/Getty
Images)

Let’s
think
first
about
the
Biden
pardons;
after
that,
the
Trump
pardons.

I
understand,
if
I
don’t
necessarily
agree
with,
President
Biden’s
pardons
of
his
son,
Hunter;
the
January
6
Committee;
and
other
Biden
family
members.

When
first
asked,
Biden
shouldn’t
have
flatly
denied
any
intent
to
pardon
Hunter;
that
makes
Biden
a
liar.
Biden
should
instead
have
said,
before
Hunter
was
convicted,
that
the
elder
Biden
would
reserve
judgment
on
pardoning
Hunter
to
see
how
the
process
played
out.
After
Hunter
was
convicted,
the
president
should
have
said,
basically,
“I
love
my
son.
He’s
not
dangerous
or
a
threat
to
national
security.
I’m
the
president.
I’m
pardoning
Hunter.
I
know
that
you
may
criticize
me
for
this,
but
that’s
the
way
it
is.”

That
wouldn’t
have
made
the
pardon
any
more
correct,
but
I
think
Americans
generally
would
have
understood
the
sentiment.

I
also
understand,
if
I
don’t
necessarily
agree
with,
the
pardons
of
the
January
6
Committee
and
the
other
Biden
family
members.
None
of
these
people
had
been
charged
with,
let
alone
convicted
of,
any
crimes.
But
all
of
these
people
had
been
personally
threatened
by
Trump
and
folks
associated
with
Trump.

It’s
a
bit
unusual
(though
not
unprecedented;
think
of
Jimmy
Carter’s
pardon
of
Vietnam
War
draft
dodgers)
to
pardon
people
who
have
not
been
convicted
of
anything.
It’s
also
a
dangerous
precedent
to
have
presidents
start
pardoning
their
family
members;
I
wouldn’t
like
pardoning
all
the
relatives
to
become
routine
at
the
end
of
every
president’s
term.
But
I
understand
why
Biden
decided
to
do
this.
If
Trump’s
going
to
threaten
folks
who
have
not
been
indicted
or
charged,
then
Biden’s
going
to
protect
those
people.

(I’m
sure
that
I’ll
hear
from
some
Trump
loyalists
that
the
“Biden
crime
family”
is
all
guilty
as
sin.
That’s
why
I’ve
phrased
the
previous
paragraphs
carefully:
Other
than
Hunter,
none
of
Biden’s
relatives
have
been
charged
with,
or
convicted
of,
anything.
That’s
indisputable.)

Let’s
think
now
about
Trump’s
January
6
pardons.
Again,
I’m
certain
to
hear
from
Trump
loyalists
that
all
the
January
6
rioters
were
members
of
antifa,
FBI
informants,
or
tourists
simply
visiting
the
Capitol
Building.
But
remember
what
Republicans

Republicans

said
about
January
6
immediately
after
the
event. 


The
Atlantic

recently
had
an
article
collecting
those
contemporaneous
Republican
reactions.
We
all
know
that
Mitch
McConnell,
Lindsey
Graham,
and
Kevin
McCarthy
blamed
Trump
on,
or
just
after,
January
6,
2021.
But
I’m
not
sure
I
knew
that
Elise
Stefanik,
soon
to
be
Trump’s
ambassador
to
the
United
Nations,
said,
“The
perpetrators
of
this
un-American
violence
and
destruction
must
be
prosecuted
to
the
fullest
extent
of
the
law.”
Doug
Burgum,
soon
to
be
Trump’s
Secretary
of
the
Interior,
said,
“The
violence
happening
at
our
nation’s
capital
is
reprehensible
and
does
not
represent
American
values,
and
needs
to
stop
immediately.” 
In
fact,
I’d
forgotten
completely
that Trump
himself
 said
shortly
after
January
6
that “those
who
broke
the
law,
you
will
pay,”
and
Trump
later
vowed
that
“those
who
engaged
in
the
attacks
last
week
will
be
brought
to
justice.”

I
guess
Americans
really
do
have
the
memory
of
a
goldfish.
But
my
argument
starts
from
the
premise
that
there
was
violence
on
January
6
and
folks
who
engaged
in
that
violence
were
appropriately
tried
and
sentenced.

What’s
the
excuse
for
Trump
having
given
blanket
pardons
or
commutations
to
people
involved
in
the
January
6
riot?

That
the
rioters
didn’t
do
anything
wrong?
That’s
what
Trump’s
saying
now,
but
it’s
simply
not
true.
And
anyone
who
watched
TV
on
January
6,
or
listened
to
Republicans
at
the
time,
knows
that
Trump
and
his
supporters
are
now
lying.

Perhaps
it’s
OK
for
Trump
to
pardon
the
January
6
rioters
because
Biden
issued
some
pardons?

No.
Biden’s
pardons
were
only
marginally,
if
at
all,
misguided.
Biden
didn’t
release
dangerous
convicts.
Trump,
in
contrast,
gave
wholesale
pardons
and
commutations
to
nearly
1,600
people
who
had
been
charged,
convicted,
and
sentenced.

None
of
the
folks
convicted
in
the
January
6
riots
had
committed
violent
crimes?

According
to Lawfare,
these
are
the
statistics:

Of
the
total
1,583
arrested,
according
to
the
department’s
figures,
608

or
38
percent

were
charged
with
either
assaulting
or
impeding
federal
police
officers.
Of
those
that
assaulted
officers,
174
were
charged
with
an
enhanced
version
of
the
crime
for
using
deadly
or
dangerous
weapons
or
for
inflicting
bodily
harm
on
the
officer.

Some
folks
were
convicted
of
seditious
conspiracy
for
plotting
to
keep
President
Trump
in
power
and
amassing
weapons
for
that
purpose.
Sentences
ranged
up
to
22
years.
That
ain’t
beanbag.

Maybe
folks
sentenced
to
prison
for
their
conduct
on
January
6
had
already
suffered
enough?

Not
in
the
eyes
of
the
judges,
and
sentencing
guidelines,
which
said
that
some
of
these
criminals
should
have
spent
much,
much
longer
in
prison
than
they
did.

Maybe
the
Black
Lives
Matter
protestors
weren’t
prosecuted,
so
the
January
6
protestors
shouldn’t
have
been
prosecuted
either?

Be
serious.
First,
anyone
who
destroyed
property
or
injured
people
in
any
protest
should
be
prosecuted.
Black
Lives
Matter,
January
6
rioters,
whoever.
Get
real.

Second,
at
least
some
Black
Lives
Matter
protestors
were
prosecuted.
For
example,
prosecutors
brought
charges
including
arson,
assault,
and
felony
assault
for
the
riot
in
Portland,
Oregon. 
 

Moreover,
neither
you
nor
I
know
exactly
what
happened
in
Portland
(or,
for
that
matter,
at
the
Capitol
Building).
We
don’t
know
precisely
how
serious
the
violence
was.
We
don’t
know
who
did
what
to
whom.
We
don’t
know
what
prosecutions
would
have
faced
evidentiary
problems
at
trial

although
it’s
likely
that
there
were
more
security
cameras,
broadcast
television
cameras,
and
personal
iPhone
cameras
at
the
Capitol
than
in
Portland,
which
probably
aided
the
prosecutions
of
those
who
invaded
the
Capitol. 

Maybe
the
January
6
rioters
should
escape
punishment
because
you’ve
heard
stories
about
some
guy
in
Portland
or
Minneapolis
who
should
have
been
prosecuted
and
wasn’t?

You
have
no
clue
if
the
story
you
heard
was
true.
Even
if
it
were
true,
what
does
the
story
tell
us?
People
routinely
argue
that
“There
was
a
blizzard
yesterday,
so
climate
change
is
a
hoax,”
or
“I
heard
about
one
time
when
a
good
guy
with
a
gun
caught
an
escaping
criminal,
so
there’s
no
need
for
gun
control.”
If
you
think
that
these
sorts
of
anecdotes
constitute
argumentation,
you
need
a
lesson
in
logic.

Lastly,
think
of
the
timing
of
the
pardons.
Biden
issued
pardons
as
he
left
office,
which
is
the
usual
way
of
doing
these
things.
The
president
skulks
out
of
office,
no
longer
having
to
face
the
electorate,
and
he
does
some
crappy
stuff
as
he
leaves. 
(Ask
Bill
Clinton
about
Marc
Rich.)
Those
who
were
pardoned
feel
lucky,
but
they
do
not
feel
empowered
to
commit
more
crimes
in
the
future.
The
criminals
don’t
know
if
they’d
be
pardoned
again,
by
a
different
president,
next
time.

Trump’s
pardons
were
different.

By
pardoning
the
January
6
rioters
on
his
first
day
in
office,
Trump
signaled
to
a
bunch
of
his
supporters,
which
included
white
supremacists
and
violent
criminals,
that
they’re
safe
for
the
next
four
years.
So
long
as
Trump
is
in
office,
folks
don’t
have
to
worry
about
engaging
in
violence
on
behalf
of
him.
(I’m
not
sure
that
Trump
will
pardon
folks
for
engaging
in
pro-Nazi
protests;
Trump
doesn’t
care
about
the
Nazis.
But
Trump
will
probably
pardon
you
for
engaging
in
pro-Trump
protests;
Trump
cares
about
Trump.)
Indeed,
even
the
conservative

Wall
Street
Journal
 recently
noted
that
those
Trump
pardoned
last
week
have
been reenergized
by
his
decision
.

I
don’t
think
Hunter
Biden,
Liz
Cheney,
and
the
others
pardoned
by
Joe
Biden
pose
serious
threats
to
others.

But
those
pardoned
by
Trump? 
The
next
four
years
will
tell.




Mark 
Herrmann spent
17
years
as
a
partner
at
a
leading
international
law
firm
and
later
oversaw
litigation,
compliance
and
employment
matters
at
a
large
international
company.
He
is
the
author
of 
The
Curmudgeon’s
Guide
to
Practicing
Law
 and Drug
and
Device
Product
Liability
Litigation
Strateg
y (affiliate
links).
You
can
reach
him
by
email
at 
[email protected].

Standard Contracts: Benefits, Challenges, And The Path To Adoption With Jake Stein – Above the Law

Contracts
are
the
backbone
of
commerce,
but
they
often
create
friction,
delay,
and
unnecessary
expense.
In

Season
10,
Episode
7
of
“Notes
to
My
(Legal)
Self,”

I
sat
down
with
Jake
Stein,
co-founder
and
CEO
of
Common
Paper,
to
explore
how
standard
contracts
can
transform
the
way
businesses
negotiate,
close
deals,
and
manage
obligations.
Jake’s
journey
from
tech
founder
to
legal
innovator
offers
valuable
insights
into
the
challenges
and
opportunities
of
standardization
in
the
legal
field.

Here’s
what
we
learned
about
why
standard
contracts
matter
and
how
they
can
reshape
the
way
we
do
business.


A
Technologist
Tackles
Legal
Complexity

Jake
Stein
isn’t
a
lawyer,
but
his
professional
life
has
been
shaped
by
legal
interactions.
As
a
co-founder
of
two
software
companies,
he
witnessed
firsthand
how
commercial
contracts
often
create
friction
between
businesses.
What
should
be
a
happy
moment

two
parties
agreeing
to
work
together

often
devolves
into
adversarial
back-and-forth
negotiations,
driven
by
competing
templates,
risk
allocation,
and
lengthy
redlining
processes.

“It’s
not
about
the
people,”
Jake
emphasized.
“It’s
about
the
system.”
The
current
system
of
bespoke
contracts
for
every
deal
is
opaque,
time-consuming,
and
expensive,
leaving
businesses
stuck
in
a
loop
of
inefficiency.
His
frustration
with
this
reality,
coupled
with
a
deep
respect
for
the
potential
of
standardization,
inspired
him
to
create
Common
Paper.


Why
Standardization?

The
concept
of
standard
contracts
isn’t
new.
Jake
points
to
examples
like
the
SAFE
(Simple
Agreement
for
Future
Equity)
for
startup
fundraising,
the
ISDA
Master
Agreement
for
financial
derivatives,
and
even
Pennsylvania’s
standard
residential
real
estate
contract.
These
standards
reduce
negotiation
time,
create
clarity,
and
foster
trust
between
parties.

Jake
sees
standard
contracts
as
the
“free
lunch”
of
legal
innovation.
They
benefit
both
parties
by
focusing
negotiation
on
key
variables
while
eliminating
wasteful
debates
over
standard
terms.
As
he
explained,
“Standards
help
everyone
help
each
other.
They’re
a
rising
tide
that
lifts
all
boats.”


When
Do
Standards
Work
Best?

While
not
every
contract
is
ripe
for
standardization,
certain
characteristics
make
it
a
perfect
fit:


  1. High
    Volume,
    Similar
    Terms.

    Contracts
    that
    are
    executed
    frequently
    and
    involve
    predictable
    terms

    like
    NDAs
    or
    sales
    agreements

    are
    ideal
    for
    standardization.

  2. Streamlined
    Variables.

    Agreements
    with
    a
    few
    key
    negotiable
    points
    (like
    pricing
    or
    liability
    caps)
    benefit
    from
    having
    a
    fixed
    foundation.

  3. Complexity
    Meets
    Scalability.

    In
    industries
    like
    technology,
    standards
    often
    simplify
    highly
    complex
    processes
    (e.g.,
    APIs
    or
    email
    protocols),
    allowing
    participants
    to
    focus
    on
    innovation
    rather
    than
    mechanics.

Jake
noted
that
bespoke
contracts
will
always
have
a
place,
particularly
in
unique
or
high-stakes
transactions
like
M&A
deals.
But
for
repeatable,
predictable
agreements,
standards
are
a
game-changer.


Standards
Aren’t
The
End
Of
Negotiation

One
common
misconception
is
that
standard
contracts
eliminate
negotiation.
Jake
clarified
that
this
isn’t
the
case.
“Standardization
doesn’t
mean
no
negotiation

it
means
focusing
the
negotiation
on
what
matters
most,”
he
said.

For
instance,
Common
Paper’s
contracts
include
a
cover
page
where
parties
can
customize
key
variables
like
pricing,
payment
terms,
and
risk
allocation.
By
anchoring
the
negotiation
in
a
shared
framework,
parties
save
time
and
avoid
unnecessary
disputes
over
boilerplate
language.


Accelerating
Deals
And
Evolving
Legal
Work

One
of
the
biggest
benefits
of
standard
contracts
is
their
ability
to
shorten
deal
timelines.
The
more
widely
adopted
a
standard
becomes,
the
faster
parties
can
close
agreements,
especially
if
they’ve
seen
the
contract
before.

For
lawyers,
standards
change
the
nature
of
their
work.
Instead
of
spending
hours
redlining
documents,
lawyers
can
focus
on
higher-value
tasks
like
advising
on
business
risks,
developing
playbooks,
and
tailoring
agreements
to
their
clients’
specific
needs.
As
Jake
put
it,
“It
enables
lawyers
to
focus
on
what
matters
most.”


Challenges
To
Adoption

Building
and
adopting
standards
is
no
easy
feat.
Jake
highlighted
the
importance
of
critical
mass:
“A
standard
only
works
if
people
believe
it’s
a
standard.”
Industry
associations,
influential
players
like
Y
Combinator,
and
grassroots
efforts
all
play
a
role
in
driving
adoption.

Common
Paper
measures
its
success
by
tracking
the
number
of
agreements
signed
using
their
standards.
While
adoption
is
growing,
Jake
acknowledged
that
there’s
still
work
to
do
in
spreading
awareness
and
building
trust
in
the
framework.


What’s
The
One
Takeaway?

“Standards
are
magic,”
Jake
said
with
a
smile.
“They
make
life
easier
for
everyone
involved

helping
you,
your
customers,
and
your
counterparties
work
better
together.”

Whether
you’re
a
lawyer,
a
business
leader,
or
simply
someone
tired
of
inefficiency,
Jake’s
message
is
clear:
adopting
standard
contracts
can
transform
your
operations
and
improve
relationships.

For
more
on
how
standards
can
revolutionize
your
legal
and
business
practices,
watch
the
full
episode
of
Notes
to
My
(Legal)
Self
.”

P.S.:
The
future
of
law
is
here.
Adopt
the
magic.


Olga Mack



Olga
V.
Mack



is
a
Fellow
at
CodeX,
The
Stanford
Center
for
Legal
Informatics,
and
a
Generative
AI
Editor
at
law.MIT.
Olga
embraces
legal
innovation
and
had
dedicated
her
career
to
improving
and
shaping
the
future
of
law.
She
is
convinced
that
the
legal
profession
will
emerge
even
stronger,
more
resilient,
and
more
inclusive
than
before
by
embracing
technology.
Olga
is
also
an
award-winning
general
counsel,
operations
professional,
startup
advisor,
public
speaker,
adjunct
professor,
and
entrepreneur.
She
authored 
Get
on
Board:
Earning
Your
Ticket
to
a
Corporate
Board
Seat
Fundamentals
of
Smart
Contract
Security
,
and  
Blockchain
Value:
Transforming
Business
Models,
Society,
and
Communities
. She
is
working
on
three
books:



Visual
IQ
for
Lawyers
(ABA
2024), The
Rise
of
Product
Lawyers:
An
Analytical
Framework
to
Systematically
Advise
Your
Clients
Throughout
the
Product
Lifecycle
(Globe
Law
and
Business
2024),
and
Legal
Operations
in
the
Age
of
AI
and
Data
(Globe
Law
and
Business
2024).
You
can
follow
Olga
on




LinkedIn



and
Twitter
@olgavmack.

Prisoner’s Dilemma: Why Running A Law Firm Requires A Unique Mindset – Above the Law


Did
you
ever
sit
down,
watch
“Shawshank
Redemption,”
and
think
to
yourself:
There
are
real
lessons
in
here
for
how
I
should
manage
my
law
firm?


Well,
if
you
haven’t,



An
Ruda


of



Bartko


sure
has. 


The
managing
partner
of
a
midsize
San
Francisco
law
firm
makes
her
Non-Eventcast
debut,
in
what
may
be
our
most
colorful
episode
ever.
She
talks
with
host
Jared
Correia
all
about
her
creative
management
principles.  


We
begin
by
asking
An
what
she
would
do
if
she
went
to
prison
(1:13),
and
how
her
identification
of
prison
archetypes
are
tied
to
how
she
runs
her
law
firm
(3:12),
(6:37). 
(You
thought
we
were
kidding?) 


An
next
discussed
how
she
promotes
inclusion
with
the
firm
(9:31),
with
a
focus
on
making
genuine
investments
in
the
people
she
works
with
(13:39). 


After
that,
An
talked
over
how
she
mentors
young
lawyers
(17:10)

sometimes
by
pushing
them
out
of
the
“nest”
(18:50)

along
with
how
she
has
embraced
the
hiring
of
non-lawyers
for
specific
roles
within
the
firm,
including
how
she
brings
on
tech-experienced
staff
for
that
purpose
(22:19). 


An
next
relayed
how
she
adopted
and
socialized
performance
metrics
within
the
law
firm
(28:19),
and
how
that
transparent
approach
has
increased
profitability
(34:56). 


An
and
Jared
finished
up
by
covering
how
An
strives
to
generate
non-legal
services
revenue
(44:00),
by
investing
in
real
estate
(39:56)
and
legal
tech
(48:10).


If
you’re
looking
for
a
completely
unique
viewpoint
on
law
firm
management,
well,
you’ve
found
it.
Just
make
you’ve
got
your
shiv
ready
… 






Jared
Correia
,
a
consultant
and
legal
technology
expert,
is
the
host
of
the
Non-Eventcast,
the
featured
podcast
of
the
Above
the
Law
Non-Event
for
Tech-Perplexed
Lawyers.