South Africa and Zimbabwe seek to strengthen defence ties – The Zimbabwean

A parade was staged by Yam at the SA Army College on 2 September to formally welcome Chimonyo. The week-long visit is underway to maintain strong military relations between the two armies as well as to deliberate on army-to-army issues of interest in light of the recent appointment of Chimonyo as commander of the ZNA.

“Come my brother, let us sit in a bit of a relaxed environment and let us ponder on how do we respond to the challenges of the two landward forces”, stated Yam in his introductory statement. Yam said that reasons for the visit such as this are firstly, “That the two militaries have an obligation to ensure that they constantly understand their space and interaction” and secondly is that Yam believes that military cooperation means nothing unless it leads to a space for the stabilisation of economic prosperity.

In the wake of cyclone Idai, South Africa has been assisting Zimbabwe in building Bailey bridges over flood-ravaged rivers and according to Yam, there are currently 180 SA soldiers deployed to Zimbabwe for its construction. Yam states, “It was more of an intervention for the floods”, referring to the floods that Cyclone Idai caused on 15 and 16 March 2019.

Border security is a challenge that the two armies have been addressing for a number of years. Chimonyo said that primarily the two countries are doing patrols, having meetings and are strategising. “But you need to appreciate, human beings are very difficult. As much as we do our patrols, you’ll find others escape”. The two chiefs expressed their concern over borders security issues such as illegal immigration and drug trafficking and emphasised that it is not just the border between the two countries they need to be concerned about. “These [border issues] are also coming from the Great Lakes region and Somalia, coming down south” stated Chimonyo. “Actually they are coming from all over the world right now,” added Yam, who went on to say that it is high educated, young Zimbabweans heading south of their border that the Zimbabwean government is now worried about. Chimonyo also added that with Zimbabwe being under sanctions, there is a concern of their people fleeing for South Africa.

In speaking further on mutual cooperation, Yam identified that the sanctions currently on Zimbabwe do pose limitations on the cooperation of the two countries’ land forces. However, developments between Armscor and Zimbabwe are what Yam calls an “urgency”. Yam believes there is an argument to be made for Armscor and Zimbabwe to look into certain engineering aspects as well as co-research capabilities, “which may translate into co-production, but it’s too early [to tell] at this stage.”

In speaking on military training between the two armies, Chimonyo stated that this has been going on since 1994. “That has been going on for a long time but I still believe more can be done by our two countries.”

“The numbers differ every year. It depends on budget that determines how many get sent this side and that side but it is something that must never stop,” stated Yam. Yam went onto to comment on the importance of youth within the two countries militaries being acquainted. “We have realised, as military people and particularly as us, in Zimbabwe, that if you are going to talk of government to government cooperation, you need the junior and young officers to start training together, to be on the same name sake with each other. If you do that, you are doing it for stability for the next 30 years.”

At the conclusion of the media briefing  Yam hosted on Monday, he made a point of thanking the Zimbabwean National Army for the help it gave to South African Army members in the push against insurgence groups in the DRC. “That was a major, major land mission with the possible closure of our consul there. Moving by road, Zimbabwe, Zambia, moving to DRC and back – that is when I really knew that this brotherhood works,” Yam said.

Zimbabwe Shows Africa Can Tackle Corruption
Zimbabwe’s addiction to borrowing continues – as inflation rises

Post published in: Featured

Zimbabwe’s addiction to borrowing continues – as inflation rises – The Zimbabwean

Stephen Chan, SOAS, University of London

Zimbabwe now faces a second major descent into inflation and economic despair in the space of 12 years.

The first, in 2008, involved almost metaphysical rates of inflation – 231m% at one point that year according to some reports, with other estimates even higher.

The crisis resulted in hugely controversial elections, which the opposition surely won – but which saw Robert Mugabe re-installed as president in a power-sharing deal with the opposition. To stabilise the economy, the worthless Zimbabwean dollar was jettisoned and people were given the option of using a basket of foreign currencies, the US dollar chief among them. The problem was then how to source US dollars – and this was done largely by borrowing.

Fast forward to 2019, nearly two years after Mugabe was ousted and Emmerson Mnangagwa installed as president – Zimbabwe’s annual inflation is officially 176%, the highest in the world after Venezuela.

But this official figure is almost certainly false. My own calculations, based on prices I observed during the 2018 Zimbabwean elections and reports from Zimbabwean friends now, estimate inflation at about 600%. And this is within what remains of the formal economy. Recourse to the black market to secure goods such as fuel and bread unavailable elsewhere means a parallel inflation rate that is higher – by my calculations, at about 800%. And now the publication of inflation data has now been suspended for six months.

The government’s inability to pay for electricity imports has meant power outages of up to 18 hours each day. This is in part a result of poor rains and low water levels in Lake Kariba, the source of a huge percentage of the nation’s hydro-electricity – amid reports that it might be altogether decommissioned. Even if this is not the case, the turbines at Kariba are far from being in good shape and, even in seasons of abundant rain, Zimbabwe had to depend on electricity supplies from South Africa and Mozambique. These countries now want to be paid.

Mnangagwa’s almost desperate slogan for Zimbabwe is that it is now “open for business”. But the elections of 2018 that were meant to legitimise his presidency were marred by violence and deaths and no election observer group validated the polls as fully free and fair. Under those conditions, initial promises of foreign investors faded away.

Dollars began to dry up, sourcing new dollars became impossible, and the new technocratic minister of finance, Mthuli Ncube, began desperate but hugely orthodox measures to instil some discipline in a runaway economy. Those who were rich and powerful declined to make sacrifices of their own, while those who were poor simply got poorer.

Tight control

Almost a year into the job, Ncube has reined in some of the profligacy in state spending and managed to bring in an increase in tax revenue. But his tax measures have been hugely unpopular, with poorer business people seeing them as disincentives to invest in future productivity.

One of his hugely unpopular early measures was to tax cell phone financial transactions. At a stroke, this jeopardised what was beginning to become a thriving cyber economy. It seems Ncube feels a need to deal only with concrete transactions in a hard currency, however valueless, that he and the government can try to control.

In June, he introduced a new Zimbabwean dollar, outlawing the use of the US dollar. This has already led to a rapid erosion of spending power, with the new currency trading at almost ten to one US dollar. He has defended his decision, although his critics remain many.

With the lack of incentives to small businesses that bridge the formal and informal economies, a huge number of families depend on salaries earned by public servants. There are about 400,000 civil servants in Zimbabwe. Given the lack of real value in the Zimbabwean dollar, they probably live on less than US$2.00 a day. They and their families, not to mention the network of relatives in the extended family, cannot survive on that.

Ncube’s fixation with control shows the dead hand of a government that has run out of ideas and, above all, trust in entrepreneurial initiative and self-creation. Nevertheless, it wishes to have control of all it surveys, even as this diminishes before its own eyes

Ncube’s astounding plan

According to an interview with Bloomberg in mid-August, Ncube said he hopes to establish a nine-member monetary policy committee that will reduce interest rates from 50%. Within 12 to 18 months, Zimbabwe plans to sell domestic bonds with a duration of as long as 30 years to fund infrastructure investment. In time, it will approach international markets, he said. How exactly any of this is to be done is yet to be explained.

Hanging over all this is the size of the debt that Zimbabwe needs to repay before investors will consider the country a viable risk for new loan liquidity. Estimates for this figure range from US$9 billion to as much as $US30 billion.

Under a debt-settlement plan, which Ncube maintains he is discussing with creditors, Zimbabwe would complete an International Monetary Fund (IMF) staff-monitored programme in January 2020. He told Bloomberg that Zimbabwe would then borrow the $1.9 billion it owes the World Bank and the African Development Bank (AfDB) from the G7 group of industrialised nations. This would allow it to win $1 billion in debt relief from the World Bank and AfDB, which it would pay back to the G7.

But this is an astonishing strategy. It is based on the ability, and credibility, to borrow money to repay money. And there is absolutely no indication that the G7 would loan significant sums to Zimbabwe until both economic and, above all, political reforms are instituted.

Whether Zimbabwe could complete the IMF staff-monitored programme by January is a huge question in itself. The IMF conditions are not easy ones.

Having got this far, Ncube has no choice but to hope that his policies will work. He inherited a mess of gigantic proportions. It was as if the ZANU-PF ruling party, the government, and the oligarchic ruling class thought the free lunch could go on forever. Someone would always loan it more money.

Ncube realised that this could not any longer be the case. But his solution seems to be simply a new way to borrow more money. The first terrible truth is that it is not Zimbabwean money that will save Zimbabwe. The second terrible truth is that Zimbabwe’s economy may not, for some time, be saved.

Stephen Chan, Professor of World Politics, SOAS, University of London

This article is republished from The Conversation under a Creative Commons license. Read the original article.

South Africa and Zimbabwe seek to strengthen defence ties
Discontent swells in Zimbabwe amid crackdown, economic woes

Post published in: Business

Discontent swells in Zimbabwe amid crackdown, economic woes – The Zimbabwean

Protesters flee teargas during clashes after police banned planned rallies over austerity and rising living costs called by the opposition in Harare, Zimbabwe, on August 16 [Philimon Bulawayo/Reuters]

Harare, Zimbabwe – Emmerson Mnangagwawanted a clean break from his predecessor’s past.

Whereas Robert Mugabe, who ruled Zimbabwe for 37 years, would contravene the West diplomatically, President Mnangagwa wanted to engage. And contrary to Mugabe’s strategy of barring investors, Mnangagwa said he was open for business.

At home, when he was officially sworn into office last year following a coup to remove Mugabe, he was welcomed as the leader Zimbabwe needed, and on the diplomatic front, he was the darling of Western diplomats – a pragmatic and progressive reformer.

But almost two years on from the removal of Mugabe, the landscape from both fronts is viewed differently amid an apparent crackdown on dissent and an economy that remains weak.

On August 16 this year, anti-riot police crushed a demonstration, injuring several protesters.

Earlier, in January, more than 16 people were killed when soldiers opened fire on protesters in the aftermath of a 150 percent fuel price increase.

Several others were injured.

Last year in August, soldiers shot and killed six other opposition-supporting protesters.

In this photo from August 10, 2015, Robert Mugabe, right, greets Emmerson Mnangagwa as he arrives for Zimbabwe’s Heroes Day commemorations in Harare [Philimon Bulawayo/Reuters]

With inflation at 200 percent in June, high living costs, stagnant salaries and 90 percentunemployment, discontent against Mnangagwa’s government is rising.

“I am very unhappy with the state of affairs in the country. Life is very hard now. We want the problems solved,” said Priscah Katema, a Harare resident who does odd jobs to supplement her husband’s income.

Some observers have described Mnangagwa as being “worse” than his former mentor Mugabe, but Ibbo Mandaza, a political science academic and former government adviser, said this perspective was limited.

“The argument that Mnangagwa is worse than Mugabe is purely academic,” he told Al Jazeera. “This is because there should not be any distinction between the two. Mnangagwa was always at the centre of the security apparatus that enabled Mugabe to do all the things he did.”

After the recent anti-government protests, the European Union, which earlier threw its support behind Mnangagwa’s reforms, sent a warning.

In a joint statement, the heads of mission for France, Germany, Greece, the Netherlands, Romania, Sweden, UK, Australia, Canada and the United States, said the “intimidation, harassment and physical attacks on human rights defenders, trade union and civil society representatives and opposition politicians – prior to, during and following the demonstration in Harare on August 16 – are cause for great concern.”

In defiance reminiscent of the Mugabe era, Nick Mangwana, information secretary and presidential spokesperson, said the EU statement undermined civilian authority and promoted anarchy.

“The government is taken aback by the intrusive and judgmental tone of the statement. The statement fails to acknowledge that the Zimbabwean High Court spoke on the issue, which rendered any action taken contrary to that judgment illegal,” he said in a statement.

What we have witnessed in Zimbabwe since President Emmerson Mnangagwa took power is a ruthless attack on human rights.

MULEYA MWANANYANDA, AMNESTY INTERNATIONAL’S DEPUTY DIRECTOR FOR SOUTHERN AFRICA

Meanwhile, rights groups including Amnesty International have called on Zimbabwe to protect its citizens, describing a “systematic and brutal crackdown”.

“What we have witnessed in Zimbabwe since President Emmerson Mnangagwa took power is a ruthless attack on human rights, with the rights to freedom of expression, peaceful assembly and association increasingly restricted and criminalised,” said Muleya Mwananyanda, Amnesty International’s deputy director for Southern Africa.

Stephen Chuma, spokesman of the Opposition MDC Alliance Youth Assembly National, said the government’s actions make Zimbabwe look like a military state.

“Blocking the people’s constitutional right to demonstrate can only aid in further exposing this regime and also buttressing our position that Emmerson Mnangagwa has turned the country into a fully-fledged military state that does not respect people’s fundamental rights,” said Chuma.

By the time of publishing, Mnangagwa had not responded to Al Jazeera’s request for comment.

Unperturbed by the diplomatic attacks, the 76-year-old president has accelerated a clampdown on opposition leaders and perceived enemies of the state.

Zimbabwe Fuel Prices 2

Buses in Harare queue to fill up before Zimbabwean fuel prices rise again [File: Chris Murzoni/Al Jazeera]

Opposition activists Blessing Kanotunga, MDC Youth chairperson, and Citizens Manifesto’s Tatenda Mombeyarara were abducted and assaulted last month in advance of protests, before being dumped back on the streets of Harare.

In the same period, MDC Youth Assembly National Vice Chairperson Cecilia Chimbiri was called in by the CID while Pride Mkono, a pro-democracy campaigner, was also detained and charged with attempting to subvert a constitutional government.

MDC national organising secretary Amos Chibaya was detained for failing to comply with a ban on demonstrations, and Leopold Munhende, a journalist with an online publication, was recently arrested in Harare.

Human rights lawyer Doug Coltart was also held and assaulted for filming the arrest of trade unionists, and spent a night in jail.

Even comedians have not been spared.

Armed and masked men forcefully entered the house of popular comic Samantha Kureya, known by her stage name “Gonyeti”, and abducted her.

She was reportedly driven to an unknown area and assaulted for her satirical jokes that poke fun at authorities.

But despite the threats, the opposition has refused to stop protesting, Chuma said.

“By closing the democratic space, the government is creating its own enemy,” he said.

Mnangagwa’s term comes to an end in 2023.

Mandaza, the political science academic, believes it is unlikely he will stand in power until then.

“The killings of the August 1, 2018, the stolen elections, the January killings this year, assaults on protesters, and abductions are indicative of regimes that have become very vulnerable and fragile,” he said. “They now rely on sheer force after they lost the social and political base.”

Deutsche Bank CEO Makes Good On Pledge To Piss Away 15% Of His Comp By Investing It In Deutsche Bank Stock

Christian Sewing is really going The Full Lutheran.

When Are Lawyers To Blame For Their Clients?

With election season prematurely upon us, lawyers across the country will gear up to run for office, and their opponents will gear up to bash them for the clientele they’ve served. Should lawyers ever be criticized for zealously defending clients? Is the justice system undermined if attorneys feel some clients are too toxic to represent?

Andy Ngo Is Journalism’s Problem

Andy Ngo after unidentified Rose City Antifa members attacked him. (Photo by Moriah Ratner/Getty Images)

One of the most surprising bits of news from a lawsuit that the owner of Portland, Oregon, bar Cider Riot filed in May against the far-right organization Patriot Prayer is that video footage submitted as evidence seems to have led to a fall from grace for Andy Ngo, a writer who had been a rising star in conservative media.

However, a bigger question than why Ngo left his editorial position at online right-wing magazine Quillette is how he managed to rise to the heights he did in the first place. It’s an uncomfortable question for journalism, but still necessary to ask because the truth is, Andy Ngo is journalism’s problem.

Ngo raised eyebrows on Aug. 26, when he quietly removed Quillette’s name from his Twitter profile, and the magazine removed him from its masthead. Earlier that day, the Portland Mercury published an article about a pseudonymous left-wing activist who had infiltrated Patriot Prayer and filmed the group allegedly plotting a violent May 1 attack on Cider Riot, a popular leftist hangout. The video appears to show Ngo standing well within earshot of the conversation — the activist claims he overheard everything — but he didn’t include it in subsequent reports. That confirmed in the minds of his critics a longstanding suspicion that he was simply a far-right propagandist posing as a journalist.

Ngo has denied that he had knowledge of the alleged plot. Quillette editor Claire Lehmann tweeted that he had actually left the magazine already and had been off since July due to a brain hemorrhage sustained in a now infamous incident when several Antifas beat him in late June. Both have explicitly denied that Ngo’s leaving the publication was related to the video.

Still, given the timing of Ngo’s exit and the awkward way it became public, as well as his history of credibility issues, I can’t help feeling a tad skeptical. But regardless of the circumstances of his exit from the magazine, I don’t think Ngo could have gotten as far as he did were it not for a confluence of factors in politics and media in the past few years.

Those factors should be familiar. A hyperpartisan political climate. Public cynicism toward legacy news media and a perceived porousness in the relationship between reporting, analysis and opinion. The growing role of social media and crowdfunding in the dissemination of content, often with no editorial oversight. The internet’s erosion of journalism’s traditional structural barriers to entry.

Combine those elements, and you have the perfect primordial soup to give birth to a new kind of perfidious pseudo-journalist. WikiLeaks founder Julian Assange could be considered a prototype, but Ngo is a more refined version, born of the social media age. There will undoubtedly be more like him, and it’s imperative for those of us who value journalism’s critical role in democracy to be on guard.

Miscreants and pretenders exist in every profession. Law has its pettifoggers, medicine its quacks. But Ngo is something distinct from journalism’s occasional plagiarists and fabricators. Strictly speaking, he’s a propagandist who selectively presents facts to push political narratives, but he puts on the airs of a disinterested, objective reporter.

Of course, it’s not as though Ngo’s propagandist role or credibility issues were secrets. In 2017, the student newspaper he worked for, Portland State University’s The Vanguard, fired him over a tweet that paraphrased remarks by a Muslim student in a panel discussion in a way that the newspaper said took them out of context and put the student in danger. Instead of the soul searching any responsible journalist would do, Ngo took his story to the National Review, claiming he was “fired for reporting the truth” — a claim the newspaper challenged, but that helped make him famous. In August 2018, The Wall Street Journal had to issue a correction on his op-ed about Muslim neighborhoods in London when he suggested a sign reading “alcohol-restricted zone” was due to sharia law rather than being about public drinking — something any reporter could have discovered simply by asking someone on the street. And critics have long complained that he presents videos of brawling between far-left and far-right groups in a selective way that plays up violence by the former and downplays violence by the latter – most recently when he described the clash that took place in Portland on Aug. 17. Left-wing anger at Ngo boiled over in the aforementioned June attack on Ngo, which earned him support and sympathy from figures in news media and politicians.

I should state that I deplore political violence without reservation, including the attack on Ngo. That said, it’s apparent he’s been using his injury as a ploy for attention and to position himself as a go-to expert on left-wing lawlessness. And I’m not the first person to observe that he has carved out a media career that drapes a veneer of journalism over a mix of propaganda and professional victimhood. But one of the rules of journalism is that you’re not supposed to make yourself part of the story. So any self-styled independent journalist who goes out of their way to do so should arouse suspicion and is likely in this business for the wrong reasons. Ngo’s obvious desire for attention and problems with credibility should have been red flags from the start. And to be fair, many journalists weren’t fooled.

Unfortunately, however, many other journalists were, most importantly those in positions of power and influence. They helped elevate someone who should have been unceremoniously told to find another line of work a long time ago. That happened because he told stories that fit popular narratives of an intolerant, violent left and Islam’s existential threat to the West— and all from the beguilingly compelling perspective of the openly gay son of Vietnamese refugees. I’m sure his perpetual sad puppy demeanor, dispassionate vocal delivery, and phony English accent helped too.

In the days when journalism was limited to paper and airwaves, the need to go through established outlets served a function akin to the licensure that people must obtain to practice in professions like medicine and law. As the internet, social media and crowdfunding have removed those barriers to entry, for many people a “journalist” is now almost anyone who claims to be one — a view summed up in a July 2 defense of Ngo by New York-based YouTuber Alec Bostwick. While such a democratization of the profession may seem like a good thing, it also opens the door to a lot of unscrupulous types.

Journalism’s lack of a formal system of licensure is a feature rather than a bug and certainly not a bad thing it itself, as licensing journalists is generally something one finds in authoritarian states. While that’s great from a civil liberties standpoint, the downside is that it makes it a lot harder to protect journalism from those who misuse and abuse it.

What we can — and indeed must — do as a profession is keep our eyes out for bad-faith actors and not extend them professional respectability they don’t deserve. In other words, while the First Amendment’s freedom of the press applies to all, being accepted as a journalist should be a privilege rather than a right.


Alaric DeArment is a New York-based reporter at a sister publication of Above The Law. The opinions herein are entirely his own.

‘I Am Alive’: Justice Ruth Bader Ginsburg Is Ready For Upcoming Supreme Court Term

Justice Ruth Bader Ginsburg (Photo via Wikimedia Commons)

[T]his audience can see that I am alive. I am on my way to being very well.

I love my job. It’s the best and the hardest job I ever had. It has kept me going through four cancer bouts. Instead of concentrating on my aches and pains I just know that I have to read this set of briefs, go over the draft opinion, so I have to surmount whatever is going on in my body and concentrate on the court’s work.

— Justice Ruth Bader Ginsburg, in remarks given during an appearance at the National Book Festival in Washington, D.C., where she commented not just on her recent recovery from radiation for pancreatic cancer, but her preparedness for the upcoming Supreme Court term.


Staci ZaretskyStaci Zaretsky is a senior editor at Above the Law, where she’s worked since 2011. She’d love to hear from you, so please feel free to email her with any tips, questions, comments, or critiques. You can follow her on Twitter or connect with her on LinkedIn.

Back To School For Legal Interns And Small Firms

There is back to school fervor in my house with my two kids expressing enormously vacillating emotions about the new year. Panic, happiness, sadness, nervousness, confidence — it is definitely a whirlwind of feelings as we plan outfits and practice our social media first day poses with the same seriousness that we contemplate our snack choices. I often reminisce of my own first days of schools, including the happiest of first days — my final ones, in law school.

I have recently found myself encouraging my kids to expand their interests and join extracurricular activities. Given my background, I push debate and theatre over hockey and pottery, the emphasis, of course, being on public speaking, analytical thinking, and growing confidence. How blessed are these children that they need not feel pressure to choose clubs that will get them a job or expose them to a career opportunity?

For those of us who are solo practitioners, or who work for small law firms, the start of the school year is the start of opportunity. Extra curriculars for the law student seeking a solo or small firm career are especially important. Contacts and relationships must be made early in a law school career to ensure that a job, someday, may become a possibility. Internships, clerkships, and mentorships make careers and influence choices, often more than any class.

Typically the law student’s presence  in a small or solo law firm is abundantly appreciated by the law professionals. At times, the student’s presence means that the work force has doubled by 100 percent. For clients, a benefit of a small law firm is not only lower prices, but interaction and facetime with a specific attorney. The result is that often matters can take longer to complete. With an intern, specifically one in the summer,  the speed of the firm changes. The momentum can be exhilarating, a change from the rest of the year.

Interning for a small firm gives the student experiences that one may not have in a larger setting. Court appearances, client meetings, closings — these are just a few of the opportunities that a foray into the small law world can provide someone who is even just starting law school. Small firms cannot provide the same payment and perks as big firms, but they make up for it in meaningful work and participation in active cases.

In the trusts and estates sector, an intern for a small firm may get to assist in the probate of an estate, filing papers with the local surrogate’s court, legal research, observing settlement conferences, constructing genealogical charts, tracking down long lost relatives, or even something as macabre as the supervision of the cleaning out of a decedent’s house. In the realm of estate litigation, the role of the legal intern or summer associate, observing depositions or assisting with discovery,  can be very thrilling.  To that end, something as mundane as witnessing a last will and testament can leave an indelible mark on a student yearning to learn the trade.

As we start the new year, all students should look to enlarge their learning with hands-on training. For the law student, especially one who seeks to work in a small environment, the summer is not the only time to learn the field. As September unfolds, and the court’s activity increases from the summer months, all students should take advantage of the opportunities that small and solo firms provide. Doubly, solo and small firms should not fear the start of the school year, and pursue relationships with students year round.


Cori A. Robinson is a solo practitioner having founded Cori A. Robinson PLLC, a New York and New Jersey law firm, in 2017. For more than a decade Cori has focused her law practice on trusts and estates and elder law including estate and Medicaid planning, probate and administration, estate litigation, and guardianships. She can be reached at cori@robinsonestatelaw.com