Zimbabwe’s children suffer from country’s economic crisis – The Zimbabwean

A young boy smiles while carrying a basket to a popular market in Harare, Thursday, Aug, 8, 2019. Many Zimbabweans who cheered the downfall of longtime leader Robert Mugabe two years ago have found the country’s economy even worse than before. (Tsvangirayi Mukwazhi/Associated Press) By Farai Mutsaka | AP August 11 at 6:02 AM

HARARE, Zimbabwe — It is only a few hours since Zimbabwe’s schools closed for month-long August holidays, and 13-year-old Tanyaradzwa is already milling outside a bar “doing business,” he says.

He hawks cigarettes outside a dingy downtown bar in the capital, Harare, and for a fee, helps motorists find parking space.

“I am not a street kid. I come here to sell my things, go home and use the money to buy food,” said Tanyaradzwa, who did not give his last name to protect his privacy.

With power cuts lasting 19 hours per day, debilitating water shortages, inflation at 175% and many basic items in scarce supply, Zimbabwe’s children are the silent victims of the once-prosperous southern African country’s debilitating economic downfall.

Tanyaradzwa would rather be home playing computer games with friends. But for his family of six to eat he must hang around the bar at the popular Elizabeth Hotel in hopes of cashing in on afternoon drinkers and passersby who want to buy cigarettes, he said.

His parents run a small vegetable stall in Glen View, a working class residential area, but what they make is hardly enough to pay the bills, let alone buy food, he said.

Due to the spectacular deterioration of an economy that brimmed with hope less than two years ago, many people can no longer afford to put food on the table without the help of their children – no matter how young.

Children are forced to juggle between school demands and supplementing the family income through street vending or selling at small stalls.

“These holidays just mean more work. There is no break, because I now have no excuse not to work every day,” said Tanyaradzwa.

On the adjacent, busy street named after former longtime ruler Robert Mugabe, children joined elders pushing fruit and vegetable carts. Some kids held cardboard boxes selling items ranging from cigarettes, cell phone airtime, sweets and clothing.

According to Mercy Mpata, a teachers’ representative, the demands are taking many children’s focus away from school.

“There is a lot of absenteeism because the children have a lot on their plate,” said Mpata, the spokeswoman for the Association of Rural Teachers of Zimbabwe. “Even if they come (to school), they are either sleepy or, instead of concentrating on school work they are busy thinking ‘Where will we get the next meal if I don’t sell enough items after school today?’”

Teachers have their own grievances. They are paid the equivalent of about $50 a month and, like the rest of the civil service, say they cannot live on those wages, which they call “slave salaries.”

“We live in the community. We interact with these children and their parents. They are like family. That’s why we always try to give it our all … but hungry teachers teaching hungry children, that’s tough,” said Mpata.

The food situation is dire in Zimbabwe, with about a third of the country’s 17 million people being food insecure due to drought and the worsening economy, according to a report released this month by U.N. agencies, international aid organizations and the government.

President Emmerson Mnangagwa declared the drought a national disaster on Tuesday. On the same day, the U.N. launched a $331 million appeal to mitigate the unfolding disaster. Children, according to the appeal, are some of the hardest hit. Close to 160,000 children and adolescents will need welfare and child protection services, according to the U.N.

“There is a risk that children and adolescents will increasingly experience psychosocial distress as some are likely to drop out of school, pushed away from home to seek employment,” said the U.N. in its appeal for funds.

Expectations were high that Zimbabwe’s economy would grow following Mugabe’s departure at the end of 2017. But the economy did not take off and will contract 3% this year, Finance Minister Mthuli Ncube, said this month.

After inflation reached a decade-high of 175.6% last month, Ncube suspended the country’s monthly inflation reports, saying that last year’s prices were in U.S. dollars and now they are in Zimbabwe’s currency, introduced in June, so they are not comparable.

However, that has not stopped schools from feeling the pinch of rising prices and eroding incomes. For the coming school term, some boarding schools are asking parents to provide food instead of paying school fee increases.

But that’s just for the fortunate children who still have parents and guardians able to afford such boarding facilities.

For many children such as Tanyaradzwa, juggling between school and eking out a living takes a toll, even as they desperately hold on to bouts of hope.

“I have dreams, big ones,” he said, smiling. “I want to be a lawyer.”

To achieve that dream, he is sacrificing much of his childhood.

“There is no time to play with friends,” he said. “The work, the school, it takes all of my time.”

‘It’s a painful story’: Community raising money to send Zimbabwe ‘agent of change’ home – The Zimbabwean

A nurturer, educator and member of his country’s main political opposition party, Chitiyo came to the US from his native Zimbabwe after retiring in 2013, fleeing a major economic downturn that left his retirement all but worthless. Now that he has passed, his family wants to send him home, but the expense is so great they cannot shoulder it alone.

Chitiyo’s story begins in Mutare, Zimbabwe, where he was born. He was the eldest son, the second of 10 children. His father passed away when he was in his early 20’s.

“He had to take up the mantle of taking care of the younger siblings because my grandma was a stay at home wife,” said Tariro Chitiyo, his daughter. “He went into teacher training, and he became a teacher. It was one of the professions that would enable him to take care of his mom financially. He put his younger siblings through school.”

He met his wife, Tariro’s mother, in training.

He taught geography and history in high school, then became a principal, and later an administration at the University of Zimbabwe in the capital city, Harare, where their four children were born.

At the university, he worked directly with students as the go-between between them and the school.

“They seemed to love him, because they all just ended up converging in his office,” Tariro said. “I’d sometimes go there on Friday afternoons, and my dad would be sitting there with a bunch of students and they’d be talking. They were so comfortable with him.”

She describes her father as a nurturer, a problem-solver.

“He was a nurturer. You could always go to him, regardless of who you were. You could always go to him with whatever problems you had, and he always would find a way to come up with a solution for that,” Tariro said.

She recalled a particular instance with her father that she thinks of when she gets into trouble.

“My dad always told me, whatever the boys can do, you can do, too. That meant I would go climbing trees. We used to play on the roof of our garage. We had this huge tree that was right next to the roof of the garage. … It was a really sturdy tree, and the branches went on top of the garage. We would climb it … I would play for hours with my brothers up there” she said.

One day, when she was about five years old, she got stuck up there. Her brothers had climbed down the tree and left her.

“I couldn’t get down, and I started crying … My dad came out and he was like ‘I’m not going to tell you to jump. I could tell you to jump and I’ll catch you, but … you need to figure it out’ … He told me ‘If you remember how you got up there, you’ll know how to get down.’”

When she gets into trouble now, she remembers his words.

“Whenever (I) get into trouble, I always try to retrace my steps. How did I get myself into this, and if I got myself into this, I can get myself out of it,” she said.

Life in the Chitiyo family – and in families all across Zimbabwe – got harder after 2008.

“Zimbabwe went through a really tumultuous economic slump around 2007, 2008. (It) wiped out everyone’s retirement plans, so all the retirement money went down the drain. It went from being worth a whole lot to being worth nothing,” Tariro said.

Her father was set to retire in 2013, but was worried the family wouldn’t be able to live off his retirement package, now worth little to nothing.

One of Tariro’s brothers, who had moved to London because of the collapsing economy and large unemployment rate, called their father one day to tell him about a potential way out of Zimbabwe.

“He called one day and was like ‘You know, one of my friends forwarded a green card lottery system thing, so just send me your pictures and you never know,’” Tariro recalled. “It’s like a draw, put your name in a hat and whoever’s name gets picked, and my dad’s name got picked.”

At first, she said, her father didn’t know what it meant.

“He just didn’t get it. ‘What’s the excitement about it? What am I going to go to America and do in my old age?’” Tariro remembered him saying.

Her brother, however, was excited.

“My brother explained this is a green card,” Tariro said. “(He told him) ‘You could go and work if you wanted to. At the same time, you could go visit your family (because he’s got a cousin that lives in Minnesota). Visit with him and see whether you like it or not, and if you don’t, you can always come back home, and we’ll pick it up from there.’”

So when he retired, he left Zimbabwe for the US.

“As painful as it is, it’s either you stay and you die, or you move and try to make it the best way you can,” Tariro said. “For him to move after retiring … someone who’s lived in a country for all their life, for them to then pick up and leave after they retired because they can’t see how they were going to survive … it was heartbreaking. ”

He couldn’t get a job at a university, and he ended up working as a sales associate at Walmart.

“Although it was frustrating, he was always happy. He didn’t let it get him down. He’d be like, ‘Okay, yes I’m disappointed, but life goes on,” Tariro said.

He found his way back to education, albeit not in the capacity he was used to, but as a substitute teacher.

“One of his friends at work was like you should be teaching because I think everyone noticed this man is too educated to be working at Walmart,” Tariro said. “He would work nights at Walmart and come back home, finish work at 7 (am) and be at his substitute teaching job at about 8 (am) or depending on what time his assignments were… sometimes the assignments would be a couple of hours or they would be throughout the day. He would get back home and try to get some sleep from 4 pm and wake up and go to work at 10 pm, so that was really strenuous on him.”

During his time in Dickinson, he was active in the local Zimbabwean community, where he met his friend Tawanda Dzvokora.

“He told me his life story. We kind of connected because he was a teacher … I also was a teacher in Zimbabwe,” Dzvokora said.

They shared something else, too – they were both members of the main opposition party in Zimbabwe – Movement for Democratic Change- and they were involved in their country’s politics even while in the US.

Dzvokora said when he heard Chitiyo’s stories of activism in Zimbabwe, he was excited and looked to him for advice.

“He was an advisor. He was like a father to me,” Dzvokora said. “He would sit down and then tell me ‘If you want to get this done, please do the things this way and that way. That’s how we used to do it back home in Zimbabwe.’”

Activism was common with teachers.

“If you are a teacher in Zimbabwe, you are an agent of change, so you’re bound to talk about what is going on in your country, and what is wrong, and what is not wrong, and how things should be. He was an outspoken person. He would speak out, just like I would,” Dzvokora said.

Speaking out against the Zimbabwean government can be deadly.

“Once you do that, there’s no freedom of speech. You cannot criticize the government. You cannot say the government is wrong. Once you do that, you become an enemy of the government, and they come after you. They kill people,” Dzvokora said.

He said he left Zimbabwe because of political persecution.

“They follow the leaders of the protests to their homes and abduct them and even make them disappear. I was one of the leaders, and I was being followed every day and night,” he said.

Tariro said thankfully, her father had not experienced that firsthand.

“My aunt (his sister) was murdered during the war, so he understood what people go through during times of political turmoil, and the one thing he always used to tell us was ‘Make sure you’re safe. Be careful of who you’re talking to when you are talking’, because he understood that it was a matter of life and death,” she said.

Chitiyo didn’t leave Zimbabwe out of fear of the government, but Dzvokora and Tariro said his story is still representative of the plight of many Zimbabweans.

“His story represents the story of millions of other Zimbabweans who would have gone through college and done everything to ensure that they have a successful life, but they never have it,” Dzvokora said.

To Dzvokora, that Chitiyo spent his life working toward something he never saw was painful.

“His story, it’s a painful story. To me, it broke my heart. This is a man who served his country, his community, for 42 years, working diligently and honestly,” he said. “If he was in a normal country like the USA, you know that you’d have retired maybe with a million dollar 401K pension. He retired, and he didn’t have anything to show for it. Maybe you get $100 a month, but that $100, you have to stand in the line, in the queue, for days for you to get that. This is a man who should have been enjoying his life somewhere in Zimbabwe playing with grandchildren, enjoying his sweat, the fruits of his labor.

Chitiyo had been in remission from prostate cancer, but started getting sick again.

During a colonoscopy, his doctors discovered he had colon cancer that had spread to his liver. After recovering in Bismarck from his kidneys shutting down, he went through chemotherapy. It worked … and then it didn’t.

“He was at the hospital at CHI. He stayed in the hospital for a couple of weeks, then they said that the treatment wasn’t helping, so they stopped all the treatment and he was transferred to St. Benedict’s on a Tuesday two weeks ago, and he passed the following day. It went really quick,” Tariro said.

His family want to return him to his beloved him.

“It’s important for us to get him back home because my brothers didn’t get a chance to say goodbye … He came from a large family and he was the eldest son and took care of his siblings so family would like a way to send him home and get a chance to say goodbye to him. Before he passed, he wanted to be buried at his communal home next to his parents … we wanted to honor that,” Tariro said.

More than just his family are waiting for him.

“This is a man who spent 42 years working in Zimbabwe, went to school there. All his workmates, his friends … Thousands and thousands of people are at their homestead, who have been there since the day he passed, just waiting for him. Like she said, it’s very traditional. For us it’s cultural that you have to be buried in your home,” Dzvokora said.

To repatriate his remains will cost the family between $18,000 and $20,000.

“Although he does have a funeral policy back home, (and) it was supposed to cover his repatriation back home, but because of the recent demonetization of the Zimbabwean dollar and the reintroduction of the currency, they told us that they cannot afford to repatriate, so the family has to handle that,” Tariro said.

The family have yet to receive his life insurance policy, but they have raised a bit of money already.

“I just want to thank the Dickinson community, the Zimbabwean community and some of our African friends. We contributed I think over $4,000 towards the funeral. It takes about – it’s very expensive – $18-20k to repatriate someone to Zimbabwe. The family had some savings … but we’re still really short,” Dzvokora said.

If you would like to help bring Chitiyo home, the family has set up a Go Fund Me page. They still have about $12,000 to raise

Violent Protests Threaten Zimbabwe’s Recovery – The Zimbabwean

Mnangagwa inherited a struggling economy marked by hyperinflation, cash shortages, a budget deficit, endemic corruption, and a lack of monetary sovereignty.

Moreover, the sanctions imposed on Zimbabwe by the U.S. and the EU following Mugabe’s controversial land reforms some 20 years ago, continue to stifle the Zimbabwean economy, limiting the country’s access to foreign lenders. The situation was exacerbated by the severe drought and Cyclone Idai that hit the southern African state in March.

-Despite these setbacks, the government has advanced its reform agenda and begun to open up economic, political and media spaces. It is reviewing 30 Mugabe-era bills and is in the process of upgrading them to Western standards. These include the much-criticised Access to Information and Protection of Privacy Act (AIPPA) and the Public Order and Security Act (POSA). The former was repealed last month and replaced by the Freedom of Information Bill, which seeks to uphold citizen’s rights to access information in line with the Zimbabwean Constitution and established international norms. The latter is expected to be succeeded by the Maintenance of Peace and Order Bill (MOPA) soon, which aims at ensuring the freedom of assembly and modernising the management of public gatherings.

Meanwhile, the government already yielded tangible results with a budget surplus of $2.5 million between January and July 2019 and a positive current account for the first time since the adoption of the multi-currency regime in 2009. Zimbabwe’s challenging currency reform is supported by the International Monetary Fund (IMF), with whom the government signed a two-year monitoring programme that could earn it debt forgiveness and future financing.

Another significant milestone in Mnangagwa’s reform programme concerns land ownership, which marks a departure from his predecessor’s anti-white stance. Unlike Mugabe, who evicted white farmers and limited their land leases to five years, Mnangagwa publicly declared that white commercial farmers are now free to apply for land, extending 99-year leases to all farmers – independent of their skin colour – and compensating white farmers.

However, these positive developments are at risk of being undermined by opposition forces, who announced a two-day general strike in late July. The Zimbabwe Congress of Trade Unions (ZCTU), which is widely seen as an extension of the opposition MDC, called on workers to mobilise for a mass “stay away” to protest against the “deteriorating economic situation.”

As a union representing workers with divergent political views, the ZCTU is supposed to be apolitical. However, the ZCTU has unilaterally decided to align itself with the MDC, and in tandem, they organised demonstrations that had little to do with the welfare of workers but rather with the objective of overthrowing the democratically elected government.

The protest dates have been strategically chosen to take place during key moments for Zimbabwe on the world stage. The first coincided with Mnangagwa’s election victory in August 2018, while another occurred in January this year when Mnangagwa was on a five-nation tour, including a high-profile visit to the World Economic Forum in Davos. The next protests are expected to be held around yet another major international event: the UN General Assembly in New York in September, which Mnangagwa plans to attend.

Investigating previous protests, an international commission of inquiry, chaired by former President of South Africa Kgalema Motlanthe, concluded that “the protests were pre-planned and well-organised as shown, for example, by the evidence of the pre-election speeches of the MDC Alliance leaders and the evidence of all of the events that took place on the 1st of August 2018 including the fact that groups arrived with an assortment of objects such as containers of stones, bricks, logs, and posters, which they used in their demonstrations.”

Highlighting the violent nature of the protests, which caused extensive damage to property, the commission found that “the rioters were forcing ordinary people who were conducting their day to day business to join the riots” and “injury had been incited, pre-planned and well organised by the MDC Alliance.” In early July, a senior MDC official declared that his party would “overthrow” President Mnangagwa before his term expires in 2023.

The controversial partisan politics of the trade union have been condemned by some of its members, such as the Zimbabwe Teachers Association (ZIMTA) that recently pulled out of the labour umbrella body. Some critics say that the body cannot genuinely represent workers’ rights by aligning itself with the MDC Alliance headed by Nelson Chamisa, who pleaded a court case for the dismissal of some 30,000 workers back in 2015.

Internationally too the ZCTU has fallen into disgrace, failing to get funding from the International Labour Organisation and Germany’s Friedrich-Ebert-Stiftung, who informed the ZCTU leadership that they would not fund any violent protests in Zimbabwe, but rather issues related to peace-building and dialogue.

Meanwhile, Mnangagwa has re-launched a Tripartite Negotiating Forum between labour, business and government to build a stronger social dialogue and to protect workers’ interests while expressing his vision of reaching an upper-middle-class income status by 2030 (Zimbabwe has just been upgraded to lower-middle-income status by the World Bank last month). And in an effort for unity and reconciliation, he kick-started the Political Actors Dialogue and reached out to the opposition.

Unfortunately, Chamisa’s MDC Alliance has rebuffed the extended olive branch. The opposition appears more interested in power politics than supporting Zimbabwe’s reform process, which is a unique chance for the country to turn the page following decades of economic and political mismanagement.

‘It’s a painful story’: Community raising money to send Zimbabwe ‘agent of change’ home
On World Elephant Day: An interview with Sharon Pincott

Post published in: Business

On World Elephant Day: An interview with Sharon Pincott – The Zimbabwean

For those who would like to see for themselves what I saw in April 2018, when I was invited to China to speak with school children there about elephants, should watch YouTube at this address – https://www.youtube.com/watch? v=YZY5Ei0PFSg. You’ll see the appalling conditions for elephants that I personally witnessed there, at Beijing Zoo.

Q2. What about the recent reported requests to Zimbabwe for elephants to go to USA zoos?

PINCOTT:  I’m aware of these media reports – and have added my voice of opposition to that of other world elephant specialists, in a letter being forwarded to the US Fish & Wildlife Service, and the Association of Zoos.

This takes me back once again to the 1980s and the horrific days of culls in Zimbabwe, when young elephants were kept alive, close to their murdered mothers, and then later flown out to the USA. I think of the elephant named Nosey, who was one of these poor little Zim elephants, eventually sold on to someone else, as a circus act. It was November 2017 before she was finally confiscated from her heartless circus owner and allowed to roam the lush habitat of the Elephant Sanctuary in Tennessee, free from decades of brutal exploitation. Dedicated USA-based groups like ‘Save Nosey Now’, who you’ll find online, are seeing this battle through, and will continue to also fight for the release of other captive elephants.

Q3.  Are you aware of the poaching situation in Zim?

PINCOTT:  I know that cyanide poisoning continues. Although not to the scale of the massacre that I was witness to in 2013 (and wrote about in Elephant Dawn), this is an area of ongoing, deep, concern. I also often think back to the scores of snared elephants and other animals that I encountered in my early years in Hwange (from 2001 onwards), which no-one had noticed, because no-one was out there specifically looking with eyes wide open. With Zimbabwe’s problems as a country as awful as ever, I can’t believe this snaring problem will have gone away. It worries me that in some areas people probably aren’t looking properly, once again.

And what of corrupt heavyweights like the relative of the ZanuPF thug ex-Governor/Cabinet Minister Obert Mpofu (who I had numerous run-ins with over the years)? Sifiso Mpofu, former Mayor of Victoria Falls (and others) was arrested way back in March with 9 elephant tusks! What has happened to them? We all know that these extremely well-connected government thugs will never likely see the inside of a jail cell – which is one of the reasons why Zimbabwe remains in such a mess.

And now you have Priscah Mupfumira, ex-Zim Tourism & Environment/Wildlife Minister, with criminal abuse of office charges against her involving US$95million! If this is true of her conduct in her prior ministerial position, then what might she have done/approved/been involved in while most recently Minister of Wildlife? The whole place becomes more and more of a joke every day! And it’s not only the people who suffer as a result. The wildlife suffers too – regardless of whether or not Mupfumira is a “sacrificial lamb” of a corrupt government, with the worst of them still walking free and enjoying their plundering ways.

Q4. What about the land grabs of key wildlife land?

PINCOTT:  Certainly the private land grab of key Presidential Elephant land – between Hwange Safari Lodge and the border of the Main Camp section of Hwange National Park – has never been reversed. And so, full-length game-drives amongst the Presidential Elephants of Zimbabwe have remained severely compromised, as flagged would happen back in 2013. Since then proof has surfaced that the original ‘claimant’ of this elephant land (previously classified ‘State Land’, when State Land in Zim meant ‘specially protected land’) – the now deceased Isabel Madangure – although touted to be an Opposition Party leader, was actually a Mugabe/ZanuPF informant; someone who never truly ran in elections against Mugabe at all. Her main role was apparently to help make Zimbabwe look in the eyes of the world – in the 1990s and onwards – like a democracy; a country that needed to look like it had several opposition parties! There is online proof that she actively encouraged her party members to support Mugabe in the violent 2008 elections.

That elephant/wildlife land that was previously called Kanondo – now called ‘Gwango Wildlife Parks’, inherited and now ‘owned’ by Madangure’s daughter, Elisabeth Pasalk-Freeman – was absolutely a political land grab, as was flagged at the time, to the detriment of these elephants and all that they were supposed to represent. It’s rather interesting that Pasalk-Freeman is also the niece of the current ZanuPF Health Minister, ‘Dr’ Obadiah Moyo – who is widely accused of having bought his medical credentials, in a health system that is crumbling around him.

While in Zimbabwe, I was often told “do not politicise wildlife”. What a great joke that was (as I knew well at the time), when so many things, like this grab of key elephant land, are indeed very political – and not forgotten by many.

Q5. What do you miss most now you are so far away from elephants and your friendly herd, and how are you coping personally?

PINCOTT:  What I miss most are the intimate times with my elephant friends; free-roaming elephants who, after spending many years together every day, truly accepted me as one of their own, as one of their family – who would respond eagerly to my voice, and actually run to me when called by name; who bought their new-borns to meet me, and I’m quite certain enjoyed my company as much as I enjoyed theirs. They knew I was on their side and it’s sad to know that my leaving must have left them wondering what had happened to me. Knowing them as well as I did – and having seen them mourn their own – I believe they would have also mourned me, as I did them. That’s sad to think about.

But Elephant Dawn (the book I wrote after leaving, about my full 13 years with Hwange elephants) allowed me to document it all and to leave that legacy – and I know that it has helped their kind. In fact, 3 years after release, a USA publisher has just now released Elephant Dawn as an Audiobook – which should hopefully bring a whole new audience in touch with what elephants (and those who look out for them) face in the African wild today. It’s very true that sometimes you need to be out of a country to raise more extensive and much-needed awareness.

The never-ending harassment and stresses while there, and then finally leaving my elephant friends – probably combined with exposure to DDT which Zimbabwe still use for malaria control – almost certainly triggered in me severe autoimmune conditions, which I started suffering from in earnest in 2015. I now cope with an extremely rare systemic and progressive connective tissue disease (which afflicts only 100s in the world), and which has affected my tissue, bones, muscles and some organs. With mobility concerns, and also the potent drugs and treatments that I must constantly have, I’m unlikely to be able to return to Africa again, perhaps not even for a visit. But I take it just one day at a time at the moment. Thankfully I’m blessed with an ocean view in beautiful Queensland, Australia and scores of colourful, wild parrots that I’m now starting to know by name, to help me cope!

Some in Zimbabwe may truly hate it, but I’m super grateful for social media and the ability of concerned people and groups, all around the world, to keep an eye on things and to be heard. It’s a blessing for the elephants.

Q6. How can people better educate themselves about elephants?

PINCOTT:  The stunning coffee table book compiled and edited by South Africans Don Pinnock and Colin Bell called The Last Elephants, with contributions from some 40 elephant specialists, and a Foreword by Prince William, is definitely a book that you need to get your hands on. It’s hoped that many world government officials will have read at least some of this book prior to the upcoming CITES meeting to be held in Geneva next week, where trade in ivory will be voted on.

And next month another captivating record will be released: Elephant by Errol Fuller, which I already have an advance copy of and have reviewed for its back-cover.

A reminder too that my time with the Presidential Elephants of Zimbabwe documented in the 2012 award-winning international documentary titled All the President’s Elephants is available now to view freely online at this address: https://vimeo.com/231846100

All over the world concerned people are going all out to keep the plight of elephants in the spotlight. Let us, and every generation to come, never bear witness to the last elephant.

A Coup Offered Hope to Zimbabwe. Has Its New President Delivered? – The Zimbabwean

Since seizing power in a 2017 coup from his onetime mentor, Robert G. Mugabe, Mr. Mnangagwa has gradually imposed himself on Zimbabwe — here in Mr. Mugabe’s former offices in downtown Harare, as well as on the country at large.

Though the new president is marketed as a clean break from Mr. Mugabe and 37 years of autocratic rule and economic mismanagement, Mr. Mnangagwa’s opponents now fear he is more dangerous than his predecessor.

The number of government critics charged with “subverting a constitutional government,” a form of treason, during Mr. Mnangagwa’s 21 months at the helm already outstrips the figure during Mr. Mugabe’s 37 years in office, according to a coalition of 22 Zimbabwean rights watchdogs.

In between coughs and sneezes, Mr. Mnangagwa dismissed criticism of his human rights record and highlighted his reforms.

“In every society, oppositions will make accusations,” he said in a rare interview. “You need to deal with facts.”

Mr. Mnangagwa has already removed some constraints on foreign investors and white farmers who lost land under Mr. Mugabe. He has pledged to replace Mugabe-era legislation that obstructs press freedom and the right to protest and to set up an international inquiry into abuses by his own security forces.

“We are now in a serious movement of economic reforms and political reforms,” Mr. Mnangagwa said.

But the difficulty for Mr. Mnangagwa is that many Zimbabweans see little new about the 77-year-old’s presidency. Before he turned on Mr. Mugabe, Mr. Mnangagwa was the former leader’s longtime enforcer and later his deputy.

A guerrilla fighter during the liberation struggle against white rule, Mr. Mnangagwa accompanied his predecessor to the negotiations that led to the creation of Zimbabwe in 1980. He later served as minister for state security, overseeing the domestic intelligence service before becoming justice minister, defense minister and finally vice president. He helped carry out much of the legislation that he now promises to rescind.

And while Mr. Mnangagwa tends to turn to the military to keep the population in check, in a departure from Mr. Mugabe’s reliance on the police and informal militias, his critics say the result is the same: a repressive government that has a dangerously low tolerance for dissent.

“The current regime is worse than Robert Mugabe on all fronts,” said Obert Masaraure, the head of a teachers’ union who said he had twice been abducted and tortured by military officers since the start of the year, before being handed over both times to the police.

“Under Robert Mugabe, I was never abducted for engaging in trade unionism,” Mr. Masaraure added. “Under Robert Mugabe, I was never thrown in a maximum-security prison for 16 days.

Mr. Mnangagwa and his party won presidential and parliamentary elections last July. But an international election monitoring team, jointly led by the National Democratic Institute and the International Republican Institute, two American democracy watchdogs, found that the polls were not free and fair.

According to the team’s report, Mr. Mnangagwa’s party may have allocated food aid and agricultural supplies in exchange for political support in the run-up to the elections.

Mr. Mnangagwa defended the election, which he noted was peaceful, and insisted there was no bribery during his campaign.

“We don’t give to a person because he is a particular cadre of a particular party,” he said. “A person is given support because that family or household is in need of food.”

Traditional leaders, who are bound by the Constitution to remain politically independent, corralled their villagers into voting for Mr. Mnangagwa, the election monitoring team’s report said. It also said there were irregularities in the tabulation of the final vote.

“The elections failed to make the mark,” said Johnnie Carson, a former United States assistant secretary of state for African affairs, who led the delegation of election monitors. “All of these things weigh in and create an environment that can shape the outcome of an election long before an election day.”

The election was also immediately followed by the killing of six protesters during a military crackdown on demonstrations against suspected polling irregularities.

In January, the military was again deployed to dispel protestsagainst a fuel price hike. During the days that followed, 17 people were killed, 16 raped, 26 abducted and more than 900 arrested, according to the coalition of Zimbabwean rights watchdogs.

“We see him as a very insecure president,” said Roselyn Hanzi, executive director of Zimbabwe Lawyers for Human Rights. “He’s paranoid.”

Mr. Mnangagwa sat in his office recently for an interview next to a shelf stocked with books by Xi Jinping, the Chinese president. China is a major stakeholder in the Zimbabwean economy. And the 2017 coup led by Zimbabwe’s army chief at the time, Constantino Chiwenga, and Mr. Mnangagwa came days after Mr. Chiwenga returned from a visit to China where he met his Chinese counterpart and the Chinese defense minister.

The president also presents himself as a corruption fighter. His tourism minister had been arrested that week on graft charges, the first senior casualty of a new anticorruption commission that Mr. Mnangagwa founded in July.

He said the military was deployed in August and in January only because the police were overwhelmed by the scale of the disturbances, presenting his approach as the only sane response.

“My brother, I don’t know what you would have done,” he said. “We have to protect and bring law and order in the country.”

Mr. Mnangagwa has been traveling extensively throughout Africa, promoting and developing plans for economic reform. He wants to be seen as a modernizer, and he portrays Zimbabwe as once again “open for business.”

He opened a dry port for Zimbabwean trade in Namibia. He has reduced the paperwork needed to open companies, and he loudly seeks foreign investment in the mining, tourism, agricultural and textile industries.

He is also calling on the United States to end a raft of American sanctions that President Trump recently extended for another year.

Though most of the measures are targeted only at particular individuals, such as Mr. Mnangagwa, and at certain government-owned firms, they are a potential obstacle to loans from the World Bank and the International Monetary Fund.

Zimbabwe exported goods worth more than $75 million to the United States in 2018, making the United States one of its largest trading partners. The American government says it is the largest donor of aid to the country.

Zimbabwe is suffering from vast shortages of fuel, bank notes, water and electricity. Drivers typically wait three hours for gasoline, and civil servants line up all morning to receive part of their salaries in cash. Half of the capital Harare receives running water only once a week, and electricity blackouts last up to 18 hours a day in many areas.

An inflation rate of more than 175 percent has put some food and medicine beyond the reach of middle-class Zimbabweans. Shoppers emerging from a Harare supermarket complained of a sevenfold rise in the price of bread since this time last year.

“We can’t afford to buy groceries,” said Jonathan Tiripano, a 46-year-old window-frame manufacturer who said he had gone without breakfast. His family had stopped buying meat, bread and milk and was surviving mostly on vegetables and ground maize, he added. “We can’t cope.”

People are suffering, Mr. Mnangagwa acknowledged, but he said he expected that with time, the situation would ease.

“The economy is going to be fixed through a process,” he said. “These things cannot be done overnight.”

Mr. Mnangagwa acknowledged that sanctions were only one cause of Zimbabwe’s escalating economic crisis. It has been exacerbated by decades of corruption, mismanagement and a recent austerity program enforced by Mr. Mnangagwa’s finance minister, Mthuli Ncube, a former economist at the University of Cambridge.

The austerity program has created Zimbabwe’s first budget surplus in years, which would allow the government to pay off some of its debts, which might in turn unlock more international loans. An electricity deal was being signed with a South African energy supplier, and he was negotiating with China to finance the renovation of the Zimbabwean water system.

“I have said always we should not bury our heads in sand and say, Ah, because America has put sanctions on us, the E.U. has put sanctions on us, so we’re going to cry. No. We are saying: With the resources that we have, let us apply ourselves using our resources and resuscitate our economy. And this is what we’re doing.”

But outside his office, in the serpentine lines that define today’s Harare, few believed him.

“Mugabe was better than this guy,” said Patrick Muza, a 33-year-old minibus driver who had been standing in line for two hours for fuel, and still had at least an hour to go. The most recent price hike had raised the cost of gas by another 15 percent, making his business increasingly unprofitable.

“During the coup, we were happy,” Mr. Muza said. “But we didn’t realize what was to come.”

A Coup Offered Hope to Zimbabwe. Has Its New President Delivered? – The Zimbabwean

Since seizing power in a 2017 coup from his onetime mentor, Robert G. Mugabe, Mr. Mnangagwa has gradually imposed himself on Zimbabwe — here in Mr. Mugabe’s former offices in downtown Harare, as well as on the country at large.

Though the new president is marketed as a clean break from Mr. Mugabe and 37 years of autocratic rule and economic mismanagement, Mr. Mnangagwa’s opponents now fear he is more dangerous than his predecessor.

The number of government critics charged with “subverting a constitutional government,” a form of treason, during Mr. Mnangagwa’s 21 months at the helm already outstrips the figure during Mr. Mugabe’s 37 years in office, according to a coalition of 22 Zimbabwean rights watchdogs.

In between coughs and sneezes, Mr. Mnangagwa dismissed criticism of his human rights record and highlighted his reforms.

“In every society, oppositions will make accusations,” he said in a rare interview. “You need to deal with facts.”

Mr. Mnangagwa has already removed some constraints on foreign investors and white farmers who lost land under Mr. Mugabe. He has pledged to replace Mugabe-era legislation that obstructs press freedom and the right to protest and to set up an international inquiry into abuses by his own security forces.

“We are now in a serious movement of economic reforms and political reforms,” Mr. Mnangagwa said.

But the difficulty for Mr. Mnangagwa is that many Zimbabweans see little new about the 77-year-old’s presidency. Before he turned on Mr. Mugabe, Mr. Mnangagwa was the former leader’s longtime enforcer and later his deputy.

A guerrilla fighter during the liberation struggle against white rule, Mr. Mnangagwa accompanied his predecessor to the negotiations that led to the creation of Zimbabwe in 1980. He later served as minister for state security, overseeing the domestic intelligence service before becoming justice minister, defense minister and finally vice president. He helped carry out much of the legislation that he now promises to rescind.

And while Mr. Mnangagwa tends to turn to the military to keep the population in check, in a departure from Mr. Mugabe’s reliance on the police and informal militias, his critics say the result is the same: a repressive government that has a dangerously low tolerance for dissent.

“The current regime is worse than Robert Mugabe on all fronts,” said Obert Masaraure, the head of a teachers’ union who said he had twice been abducted and tortured by military officers since the start of the year, before being handed over both times to the police.

“Under Robert Mugabe, I was never abducted for engaging in trade unionism,” Mr. Masaraure added. “Under Robert Mugabe, I was never thrown in a maximum-security prison for 16 days.

Mr. Mnangagwa and his party won presidential and parliamentary elections last July. But an international election monitoring team, jointly led by the National Democratic Institute and the International Republican Institute, two American democracy watchdogs, found that the polls were not free and fair.

According to the team’s report, Mr. Mnangagwa’s party may have allocated food aid and agricultural supplies in exchange for political support in the run-up to the elections.

Mr. Mnangagwa defended the election, which he noted was peaceful, and insisted there was no bribery during his campaign.

“We don’t give to a person because he is a particular cadre of a particular party,” he said. “A person is given support because that family or household is in need of food.”

Traditional leaders, who are bound by the Constitution to remain politically independent, corralled their villagers into voting for Mr. Mnangagwa, the election monitoring team’s report said. It also said there were irregularities in the tabulation of the final vote.

“The elections failed to make the mark,” said Johnnie Carson, a former United States assistant secretary of state for African affairs, who led the delegation of election monitors. “All of these things weigh in and create an environment that can shape the outcome of an election long before an election day.”

The election was also immediately followed by the killing of six protesters during a military crackdown on demonstrations against suspected polling irregularities.

In January, the military was again deployed to dispel protestsagainst a fuel price hike. During the days that followed, 17 people were killed, 16 raped, 26 abducted and more than 900 arrested, according to the coalition of Zimbabwean rights watchdogs.

“We see him as a very insecure president,” said Roselyn Hanzi, executive director of Zimbabwe Lawyers for Human Rights. “He’s paranoid.”

Mr. Mnangagwa sat in his office recently for an interview next to a shelf stocked with books by Xi Jinping, the Chinese president. China is a major stakeholder in the Zimbabwean economy. And the 2017 coup led by Zimbabwe’s army chief at the time, Constantino Chiwenga, and Mr. Mnangagwa came days after Mr. Chiwenga returned from a visit to China where he met his Chinese counterpart and the Chinese defense minister.

The president also presents himself as a corruption fighter. His tourism minister had been arrested that week on graft charges, the first senior casualty of a new anticorruption commission that Mr. Mnangagwa founded in July.

He said the military was deployed in August and in January only because the police were overwhelmed by the scale of the disturbances, presenting his approach as the only sane response.

“My brother, I don’t know what you would have done,” he said. “We have to protect and bring law and order in the country.”

Mr. Mnangagwa has been traveling extensively throughout Africa, promoting and developing plans for economic reform. He wants to be seen as a modernizer, and he portrays Zimbabwe as once again “open for business.”

He opened a dry port for Zimbabwean trade in Namibia. He has reduced the paperwork needed to open companies, and he loudly seeks foreign investment in the mining, tourism, agricultural and textile industries.

He is also calling on the United States to end a raft of American sanctions that President Trump recently extended for another year.

Though most of the measures are targeted only at particular individuals, such as Mr. Mnangagwa, and at certain government-owned firms, they are a potential obstacle to loans from the World Bank and the International Monetary Fund.

Zimbabwe exported goods worth more than $75 million to the United States in 2018, making the United States one of its largest trading partners. The American government says it is the largest donor of aid to the country.

Zimbabwe is suffering from vast shortages of fuel, bank notes, water and electricity. Drivers typically wait three hours for gasoline, and civil servants line up all morning to receive part of their salaries in cash. Half of the capital Harare receives running water only once a week, and electricity blackouts last up to 18 hours a day in many areas.

An inflation rate of more than 175 percent has put some food and medicine beyond the reach of middle-class Zimbabweans. Shoppers emerging from a Harare supermarket complained of a sevenfold rise in the price of bread since this time last year.

“We can’t afford to buy groceries,” said Jonathan Tiripano, a 46-year-old window-frame manufacturer who said he had gone without breakfast. His family had stopped buying meat, bread and milk and was surviving mostly on vegetables and ground maize, he added. “We can’t cope.”

People are suffering, Mr. Mnangagwa acknowledged, but he said he expected that with time, the situation would ease.

“The economy is going to be fixed through a process,” he said. “These things cannot be done overnight.”

Mr. Mnangagwa acknowledged that sanctions were only one cause of Zimbabwe’s escalating economic crisis. It has been exacerbated by decades of corruption, mismanagement and a recent austerity program enforced by Mr. Mnangagwa’s finance minister, Mthuli Ncube, a former economist at the University of Cambridge.

The austerity program has created Zimbabwe’s first budget surplus in years, which would allow the government to pay off some of its debts, which might in turn unlock more international loans. An electricity deal was being signed with a South African energy supplier, and he was negotiating with China to finance the renovation of the Zimbabwean water system.

“I have said always we should not bury our heads in sand and say, Ah, because America has put sanctions on us, the E.U. has put sanctions on us, so we’re going to cry. No. We are saying: With the resources that we have, let us apply ourselves using our resources and resuscitate our economy. And this is what we’re doing.”

But outside his office, in the serpentine lines that define today’s Harare, few believed him.

“Mugabe was better than this guy,” said Patrick Muza, a 33-year-old minibus driver who had been standing in line for two hours for fuel, and still had at least an hour to go. The most recent price hike had raised the cost of gas by another 15 percent, making his business increasingly unprofitable.

“During the coup, we were happy,” Mr. Muza said. “But we didn’t realize what was to come.”

A Coup Offered Hope to Zimbabwe. Has Its New President Delivered? – The Zimbabwean

Since seizing power in a 2017 coup from his onetime mentor, Robert G. Mugabe, Mr. Mnangagwa has gradually imposed himself on Zimbabwe — here in Mr. Mugabe’s former offices in downtown Harare, as well as on the country at large.

Though the new president is marketed as a clean break from Mr. Mugabe and 37 years of autocratic rule and economic mismanagement, Mr. Mnangagwa’s opponents now fear he is more dangerous than his predecessor.

The number of government critics charged with “subverting a constitutional government,” a form of treason, during Mr. Mnangagwa’s 21 months at the helm already outstrips the figure during Mr. Mugabe’s 37 years in office, according to a coalition of 22 Zimbabwean rights watchdogs.

In between coughs and sneezes, Mr. Mnangagwa dismissed criticism of his human rights record and highlighted his reforms.

“In every society, oppositions will make accusations,” he said in a rare interview. “You need to deal with facts.”

Mr. Mnangagwa has already removed some constraints on foreign investors and white farmers who lost land under Mr. Mugabe. He has pledged to replace Mugabe-era legislation that obstructs press freedom and the right to protest and to set up an international inquiry into abuses by his own security forces.

“We are now in a serious movement of economic reforms and political reforms,” Mr. Mnangagwa said.

But the difficulty for Mr. Mnangagwa is that many Zimbabweans see little new about the 77-year-old’s presidency. Before he turned on Mr. Mugabe, Mr. Mnangagwa was the former leader’s longtime enforcer and later his deputy.

A guerrilla fighter during the liberation struggle against white rule, Mr. Mnangagwa accompanied his predecessor to the negotiations that led to the creation of Zimbabwe in 1980. He later served as minister for state security, overseeing the domestic intelligence service before becoming justice minister, defense minister and finally vice president. He helped carry out much of the legislation that he now promises to rescind.

And while Mr. Mnangagwa tends to turn to the military to keep the population in check, in a departure from Mr. Mugabe’s reliance on the police and informal militias, his critics say the result is the same: a repressive government that has a dangerously low tolerance for dissent.

“The current regime is worse than Robert Mugabe on all fronts,” said Obert Masaraure, the head of a teachers’ union who said he had twice been abducted and tortured by military officers since the start of the year, before being handed over both times to the police.

“Under Robert Mugabe, I was never abducted for engaging in trade unionism,” Mr. Masaraure added. “Under Robert Mugabe, I was never thrown in a maximum-security prison for 16 days.

Mr. Mnangagwa and his party won presidential and parliamentary elections last July. But an international election monitoring team, jointly led by the National Democratic Institute and the International Republican Institute, two American democracy watchdogs, found that the polls were not free and fair.

According to the team’s report, Mr. Mnangagwa’s party may have allocated food aid and agricultural supplies in exchange for political support in the run-up to the elections.

Mr. Mnangagwa defended the election, which he noted was peaceful, and insisted there was no bribery during his campaign.

“We don’t give to a person because he is a particular cadre of a particular party,” he said. “A person is given support because that family or household is in need of food.”

Traditional leaders, who are bound by the Constitution to remain politically independent, corralled their villagers into voting for Mr. Mnangagwa, the election monitoring team’s report said. It also said there were irregularities in the tabulation of the final vote.

“The elections failed to make the mark,” said Johnnie Carson, a former United States assistant secretary of state for African affairs, who led the delegation of election monitors. “All of these things weigh in and create an environment that can shape the outcome of an election long before an election day.”

The election was also immediately followed by the killing of six protesters during a military crackdown on demonstrations against suspected polling irregularities.

In January, the military was again deployed to dispel protestsagainst a fuel price hike. During the days that followed, 17 people were killed, 16 raped, 26 abducted and more than 900 arrested, according to the coalition of Zimbabwean rights watchdogs.

“We see him as a very insecure president,” said Roselyn Hanzi, executive director of Zimbabwe Lawyers for Human Rights. “He’s paranoid.”

Mr. Mnangagwa sat in his office recently for an interview next to a shelf stocked with books by Xi Jinping, the Chinese president. China is a major stakeholder in the Zimbabwean economy. And the 2017 coup led by Zimbabwe’s army chief at the time, Constantino Chiwenga, and Mr. Mnangagwa came days after Mr. Chiwenga returned from a visit to China where he met his Chinese counterpart and the Chinese defense minister.

The president also presents himself as a corruption fighter. His tourism minister had been arrested that week on graft charges, the first senior casualty of a new anticorruption commission that Mr. Mnangagwa founded in July.

He said the military was deployed in August and in January only because the police were overwhelmed by the scale of the disturbances, presenting his approach as the only sane response.

“My brother, I don’t know what you would have done,” he said. “We have to protect and bring law and order in the country.”

Mr. Mnangagwa has been traveling extensively throughout Africa, promoting and developing plans for economic reform. He wants to be seen as a modernizer, and he portrays Zimbabwe as once again “open for business.”

He opened a dry port for Zimbabwean trade in Namibia. He has reduced the paperwork needed to open companies, and he loudly seeks foreign investment in the mining, tourism, agricultural and textile industries.

He is also calling on the United States to end a raft of American sanctions that President Trump recently extended for another year.

Though most of the measures are targeted only at particular individuals, such as Mr. Mnangagwa, and at certain government-owned firms, they are a potential obstacle to loans from the World Bank and the International Monetary Fund.

Zimbabwe exported goods worth more than $75 million to the United States in 2018, making the United States one of its largest trading partners. The American government says it is the largest donor of aid to the country.

Zimbabwe is suffering from vast shortages of fuel, bank notes, water and electricity. Drivers typically wait three hours for gasoline, and civil servants line up all morning to receive part of their salaries in cash. Half of the capital Harare receives running water only once a week, and electricity blackouts last up to 18 hours a day in many areas.

An inflation rate of more than 175 percent has put some food and medicine beyond the reach of middle-class Zimbabweans. Shoppers emerging from a Harare supermarket complained of a sevenfold rise in the price of bread since this time last year.

“We can’t afford to buy groceries,” said Jonathan Tiripano, a 46-year-old window-frame manufacturer who said he had gone without breakfast. His family had stopped buying meat, bread and milk and was surviving mostly on vegetables and ground maize, he added. “We can’t cope.”

People are suffering, Mr. Mnangagwa acknowledged, but he said he expected that with time, the situation would ease.

“The economy is going to be fixed through a process,” he said. “These things cannot be done overnight.”

Mr. Mnangagwa acknowledged that sanctions were only one cause of Zimbabwe’s escalating economic crisis. It has been exacerbated by decades of corruption, mismanagement and a recent austerity program enforced by Mr. Mnangagwa’s finance minister, Mthuli Ncube, a former economist at the University of Cambridge.

The austerity program has created Zimbabwe’s first budget surplus in years, which would allow the government to pay off some of its debts, which might in turn unlock more international loans. An electricity deal was being signed with a South African energy supplier, and he was negotiating with China to finance the renovation of the Zimbabwean water system.

“I have said always we should not bury our heads in sand and say, Ah, because America has put sanctions on us, the E.U. has put sanctions on us, so we’re going to cry. No. We are saying: With the resources that we have, let us apply ourselves using our resources and resuscitate our economy. And this is what we’re doing.”

But outside his office, in the serpentine lines that define today’s Harare, few believed him.

“Mugabe was better than this guy,” said Patrick Muza, a 33-year-old minibus driver who had been standing in line for two hours for fuel, and still had at least an hour to go. The most recent price hike had raised the cost of gas by another 15 percent, making his business increasingly unprofitable.

“During the coup, we were happy,” Mr. Muza said. “But we didn’t realize what was to come.”

A Coup Offered Hope to Zimbabwe. Has Its New President Delivered? – The Zimbabwean

Since seizing power in a 2017 coup from his onetime mentor, Robert G. Mugabe, Mr. Mnangagwa has gradually imposed himself on Zimbabwe — here in Mr. Mugabe’s former offices in downtown Harare, as well as on the country at large.

Though the new president is marketed as a clean break from Mr. Mugabe and 37 years of autocratic rule and economic mismanagement, Mr. Mnangagwa’s opponents now fear he is more dangerous than his predecessor.

The number of government critics charged with “subverting a constitutional government,” a form of treason, during Mr. Mnangagwa’s 21 months at the helm already outstrips the figure during Mr. Mugabe’s 37 years in office, according to a coalition of 22 Zimbabwean rights watchdogs.

In between coughs and sneezes, Mr. Mnangagwa dismissed criticism of his human rights record and highlighted his reforms.

“In every society, oppositions will make accusations,” he said in a rare interview. “You need to deal with facts.”

Mr. Mnangagwa has already removed some constraints on foreign investors and white farmers who lost land under Mr. Mugabe. He has pledged to replace Mugabe-era legislation that obstructs press freedom and the right to protest and to set up an international inquiry into abuses by his own security forces.

“We are now in a serious movement of economic reforms and political reforms,” Mr. Mnangagwa said.

But the difficulty for Mr. Mnangagwa is that many Zimbabweans see little new about the 77-year-old’s presidency. Before he turned on Mr. Mugabe, Mr. Mnangagwa was the former leader’s longtime enforcer and later his deputy.

A guerrilla fighter during the liberation struggle against white rule, Mr. Mnangagwa accompanied his predecessor to the negotiations that led to the creation of Zimbabwe in 1980. He later served as minister for state security, overseeing the domestic intelligence service before becoming justice minister, defense minister and finally vice president. He helped carry out much of the legislation that he now promises to rescind.

And while Mr. Mnangagwa tends to turn to the military to keep the population in check, in a departure from Mr. Mugabe’s reliance on the police and informal militias, his critics say the result is the same: a repressive government that has a dangerously low tolerance for dissent.

“The current regime is worse than Robert Mugabe on all fronts,” said Obert Masaraure, the head of a teachers’ union who said he had twice been abducted and tortured by military officers since the start of the year, before being handed over both times to the police.

“Under Robert Mugabe, I was never abducted for engaging in trade unionism,” Mr. Masaraure added. “Under Robert Mugabe, I was never thrown in a maximum-security prison for 16 days.

Mr. Mnangagwa and his party won presidential and parliamentary elections last July. But an international election monitoring team, jointly led by the National Democratic Institute and the International Republican Institute, two American democracy watchdogs, found that the polls were not free and fair.

According to the team’s report, Mr. Mnangagwa’s party may have allocated food aid and agricultural supplies in exchange for political support in the run-up to the elections.

Mr. Mnangagwa defended the election, which he noted was peaceful, and insisted there was no bribery during his campaign.

“We don’t give to a person because he is a particular cadre of a particular party,” he said. “A person is given support because that family or household is in need of food.”

Traditional leaders, who are bound by the Constitution to remain politically independent, corralled their villagers into voting for Mr. Mnangagwa, the election monitoring team’s report said. It also said there were irregularities in the tabulation of the final vote.

“The elections failed to make the mark,” said Johnnie Carson, a former United States assistant secretary of state for African affairs, who led the delegation of election monitors. “All of these things weigh in and create an environment that can shape the outcome of an election long before an election day.”

The election was also immediately followed by the killing of six protesters during a military crackdown on demonstrations against suspected polling irregularities.

In January, the military was again deployed to dispel protestsagainst a fuel price hike. During the days that followed, 17 people were killed, 16 raped, 26 abducted and more than 900 arrested, according to the coalition of Zimbabwean rights watchdogs.

“We see him as a very insecure president,” said Roselyn Hanzi, executive director of Zimbabwe Lawyers for Human Rights. “He’s paranoid.”

Mr. Mnangagwa sat in his office recently for an interview next to a shelf stocked with books by Xi Jinping, the Chinese president. China is a major stakeholder in the Zimbabwean economy. And the 2017 coup led by Zimbabwe’s army chief at the time, Constantino Chiwenga, and Mr. Mnangagwa came days after Mr. Chiwenga returned from a visit to China where he met his Chinese counterpart and the Chinese defense minister.

The president also presents himself as a corruption fighter. His tourism minister had been arrested that week on graft charges, the first senior casualty of a new anticorruption commission that Mr. Mnangagwa founded in July.

He said the military was deployed in August and in January only because the police were overwhelmed by the scale of the disturbances, presenting his approach as the only sane response.

“My brother, I don’t know what you would have done,” he said. “We have to protect and bring law and order in the country.”

Mr. Mnangagwa has been traveling extensively throughout Africa, promoting and developing plans for economic reform. He wants to be seen as a modernizer, and he portrays Zimbabwe as once again “open for business.”

He opened a dry port for Zimbabwean trade in Namibia. He has reduced the paperwork needed to open companies, and he loudly seeks foreign investment in the mining, tourism, agricultural and textile industries.

He is also calling on the United States to end a raft of American sanctions that President Trump recently extended for another year.

Though most of the measures are targeted only at particular individuals, such as Mr. Mnangagwa, and at certain government-owned firms, they are a potential obstacle to loans from the World Bank and the International Monetary Fund.

Zimbabwe exported goods worth more than $75 million to the United States in 2018, making the United States one of its largest trading partners. The American government says it is the largest donor of aid to the country.

Zimbabwe is suffering from vast shortages of fuel, bank notes, water and electricity. Drivers typically wait three hours for gasoline, and civil servants line up all morning to receive part of their salaries in cash. Half of the capital Harare receives running water only once a week, and electricity blackouts last up to 18 hours a day in many areas.

An inflation rate of more than 175 percent has put some food and medicine beyond the reach of middle-class Zimbabweans. Shoppers emerging from a Harare supermarket complained of a sevenfold rise in the price of bread since this time last year.

“We can’t afford to buy groceries,” said Jonathan Tiripano, a 46-year-old window-frame manufacturer who said he had gone without breakfast. His family had stopped buying meat, bread and milk and was surviving mostly on vegetables and ground maize, he added. “We can’t cope.”

People are suffering, Mr. Mnangagwa acknowledged, but he said he expected that with time, the situation would ease.

“The economy is going to be fixed through a process,” he said. “These things cannot be done overnight.”

Mr. Mnangagwa acknowledged that sanctions were only one cause of Zimbabwe’s escalating economic crisis. It has been exacerbated by decades of corruption, mismanagement and a recent austerity program enforced by Mr. Mnangagwa’s finance minister, Mthuli Ncube, a former economist at the University of Cambridge.

The austerity program has created Zimbabwe’s first budget surplus in years, which would allow the government to pay off some of its debts, which might in turn unlock more international loans. An electricity deal was being signed with a South African energy supplier, and he was negotiating with China to finance the renovation of the Zimbabwean water system.

“I have said always we should not bury our heads in sand and say, Ah, because America has put sanctions on us, the E.U. has put sanctions on us, so we’re going to cry. No. We are saying: With the resources that we have, let us apply ourselves using our resources and resuscitate our economy. And this is what we’re doing.”

But outside his office, in the serpentine lines that define today’s Harare, few believed him.

“Mugabe was better than this guy,” said Patrick Muza, a 33-year-old minibus driver who had been standing in line for two hours for fuel, and still had at least an hour to go. The most recent price hike had raised the cost of gas by another 15 percent, making his business increasingly unprofitable.

“During the coup, we were happy,” Mr. Muza said. “But we didn’t realize what was to come.”

‘Hungry kids collapse as looters take millions’: life in today’s Zimbabwe – The Zimbabwean

In the streets of Mbare, the children play, neighbours talk and a wintry sun lights neat houses with carefully tended vegetable plots. But the apparent tranquillity of this poor suburb of Zimbabwe’s capital hides a rude reality of misery and despair.

The smoke rising into the evening sky is a clue. Power cuts now stretch from dawn to long after dusk. Gas is too expensive so families cook on firewood, gathering around braziers as the sun goes down and an almost total darkness comes.

Dry taps in India and Zimbabwe signal looming urban water crises – The Zimbabwean

11.8.2019 17:15

45 cities — home to 450 million people — could face similar shortfalls by 2030.

A cycle cart of water cans in Chennai, India. Photo: Atul Loke/Getty Images

A dangerous combination of hot and dry weather, poor water management and rising demand is leaving cities such as Chennai, India, and Harare, Zimbabwe, without water for days on end.

The big picture: The pressures on municipal water supplies are likely to worsen with the effects of climate change. Cape Town, South Africa, narrowly averted its “Day Zero” last year, but cities in 17 other countriesclassified as high stress could soon face their own water crises.

Where it stands:

  • Overuse and drought have dried up the 4 reservoirs serving the 9 million residents of Chennai, India’s 6th largest city, and the annual monsoon barely eased the shortage. Since mid-July, a daily train has delivered 2.5 million liters of water from a dam 125 miles away, yet many taps have still gone dry.
  • The 2 million people of Harare, Zimbabwe’s capital, turn to shallow wells and ditches to supplement the water piped in once a week. Of the city’s 4 reservoirs, 2 are dry and the other 2 are so polluted by raw sewage and industrial waste that their water must be heavily treated before piping. A shortage of chemicals has led to a decommissioning of 1 water-treatment plant and inadequate supply from another, as well as an uptick in waterborne diseases.

Between the lines: Weather alone is not to blame.

  • Chennai’s natural rainwater collection systems and aquifers have been completely neglected. Deep-well drilling by industry and agriculture has gone unregulated, and the government’s recent attempts to encourage rainwater harvesting have met with limited success.
  • In Harare, decades of underfunding have led to crumbling infrastructure, leaky pipes and widespread water theft.

What’s next:

The bottom line: Without significant investments in plugging leaky pipes, improving agricultural efficiency, harvesting rainwater and mandating conservation, 45 cities — home to 450 million people — could see their taps dry up by 2030.

Tanvi Nagpal is the director of the International Development Program at Johns Hopkins School of Advanced International Studies.

Zimbabwe’s Mnangagwa Speaks of `Truly Remarkable’ Progress

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