Forced To Wait: District Courts Grapple With Supreme Court’s Copyright Registration Ruling

Only a scant four months has passed since the Supreme Court dropped the neutron bomb known as Fourth Estate Public Benefit Corp. v. Wall-Street.com, LLC. In its immediate wake, a multitude of pending copyright actions were thrown into a state of flux and uncertainty. And accused infringers wasted no time in seizing on the holding as a basis to ask the court to throw out otherwise meritorious copyright infringement claims. The courts tasked with reviewing the requests had no choice but to comply, delaying justice and resolution each time.

Affected artists and copyright holders (remember not to conflate copyright with copyright registration, a copyright exists upon fixation and is unaffected by registration) have been forced to sit on their hands and anxiously await the Copyright Office taking action on their applications. The Copyright Office, swaying under the burden of an application onslaught, has done well to decrease response time, but the wait is still months and months. And those artists who do not have the luxury of time, due to statute of limitation issues or other concerns, have been forced to pony up $800 on top of the normal application fee, which for many artists is no small feat. In exchange for this hefty sum, the Copyright Office will stamp and return their one-page copyright form in a few weeks instead of many months.

And even when the Copyright Office has acted and approved the registration for the work at issue in a particular case, accused infringers are still attempting to exploit Fourth Estate — or as the copyright litigators in our office call it, “Forced To Wait” — in an attempt to delay, or increase the expense of, the litigation.

For example, when Fourth Estate dropped, a number of cases were pending in which the copyright holder had filed the case while their copyright registration applications were pending. At some point during the litigation, the applications matured into registrations. But, certain infringers argued, such a registration is still insufficient to support a copyright infringement action because Fourth Estate held that a registration is required before the infringement action is filed in the first place.

Courts have dealt with this in varying ways, depending on the circuit and the weight of authority therein at the time Fourth Estate was decided. In one recent decision, issued by the Central District of California in Lang Van, Inc. v. VNG Corporation, the court acknowledged the fragility of the assertion that cases should be dismissed under Fourth Estate if the registration at issue issued after the filing of the complaint. The Lang Van case involved thousands of copyrights covered by registrations that issued at various times, including after the date of the complaint’s filing.

The court noted that the leading appellate authority at the time of the filing of the case was Cosmetic Ideas, Inc. v. IAC/Interactivecorp, which embraced the much saner approach of allowing a copyright owner to file her infringement claim once she submits her registration application, materials, and fee to the Copyright Office. This decision was abrogated by Fourth Estate, but the court resisted the alleged infringer’s push to narrowly delimit the action and allowed the plaintiff to amend to add allegations detailing the obtainment of additional registrations. The court noted that it was particularly appropriate to allow an amendment in that case because the case was filed in 2014 and disallowing the requested amendment would “implicate[] potential statute of limitations and equitable tolling issues.”

The court also rejected the alleged infringer’s hollow cries of “prejudice” because it was obvious that the date the Copyright Office stamped a form did not have any impact on anything. Indeed, the copyright registration process is a simple formality and the date and other indicia in the form never have much of an impact on anything, yet much time and money is wasted ventilating the various technical registration requirements. This is one of many reasons why the call to obviate the registration requirement in its entirety is reaching a fever pitch.

In Lang Van, the court noted that the registration-before-filing “requirement wasn’t the law at the time of filing,” and rejected the opposition to the amendment request. In doing so, Judge Guilford acknowledges that “the pertinent inquiry is not how the Court would have viewed Plaintiff’s complaint in 2014 if Fourth Estate had been in effect then. Rather, it is how to impose the requirements of Fourth Estate now on a copyright claim that was properly pled when filed, when the facts supporting that claim have continued to evolve.” Given this inquiry, and the axiom that leave to amend should be freely and liberally granted, the court concludes that “[a]mendment is the clearest and fairest way to bring this case in line with new Supreme Court law.” This astute and well-written decision will provide a roadmap for the various other courts who will receive similar challenges in the weeks and months to come.


Scott Alan Burroughs, Esq. practices with Doniger / Burroughs, an art law firm based in Venice, California. He represents artists and content creators of all stripes and writes and speaks regularly on copyright issues. He can be reached at scott@copyrightLA.com, and you can follow his law firm on Instagram: @veniceartlaw.

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Jeffrey Epstein’s Legal Aftermath

Jeffrey Epstein

Joe and Elie discuss Alex Acosta’s resignation, Alan Dershowitz’s underwear, and more while covering the lawyers whose careers could end up demolished by their proximity to Jeffrey Epstein. At every step, lawyers enabled Epstein and as the SDNY brings new charges against him, a lot of lawyers are starting to face the music.

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From the Above the Law Network

Interim Wells Fargo CEO Uses Earnings Call To Remind Everyone He’s Doing A Great Job That He Hates

C Allen Parker has increased profits despite flat revenue, and he wants out very very badly.

John Paul Stevens Could Not Be Nominated By Either Party Today, And Republicans Get Why

Justice John Paul Stevens (Photo by Chip Somodevilla/Getty Images)

When I got to law school, I thought John Paul Stevens was a “liberal.” That’s what I had been told. When the Supreme Court’s decision in Bush v. Gore came down in the fall of my 1L year, Stevens’s scathing dissent from that opinion seemed to confirm what I had been led to believe. Stevens wasn’t just a liberal but a “lion,” the leader of the progressive wing of the Supreme Court.

Learning that I was wrong is one of the ways I mark the difference between a layperson’s understanding of the law, and a lawyer’s understanding of the law. Yes, Stevens ended up as a reliable progressive vote, but that’s not because he was a progressive ideologue. It was because Republicans were successful in nominating conservative ideologues and the Court lurched rightward under Stevens’s feet. As Ian Millhiser put it on ThinkProgress:

Stevens stood still, while the Supreme Court’s center of gravity lurched to the right. “The Court has changed significantly,” Stevens wrote in 2006. “It was then more faithful to Brown and more respectful of our precedent than it is today. It is my firm conviction that no Member of the Court that I joined in 1975 would have agreed with today’s decision.”

The decision was Parents Involved v. Seattle School District No. 1, which held that two public school districts violated the Constitution by implementing plans to desegregate their schools.

That case, Parents Involved, is the case where, writing for the majority, Chief Justice John Roberts unleashed his famous line: “The way to stop discrimination on the basis of race is to stop discriminating on the basis of race.” Stevens, a Gerald Ford appointee, dissented from the opinion modern conservatives now think embodies a center-right perspective on race. Conservative judicial appointments have adopted such clearly anti-Brown (both literally and figuratively) policies that John Paul Stevens seemed liberal to them by the end.

Which is why we’ll never see judges like Justice Stevens again on the Supreme Court. Movement conservatives, led as they are now by the Federalist Society, have long abandoned the kind of judicial restraint and commitment to precedent practiced by “conservatives” like John Paul Stevens. Conservatives don’t like the precedents that say minorities are entitled to equality under the law, women are entitled to control over their own bodies, and gays and lesbians are entitled to love who they wish. It’s no longer “conservative” to be “restrained.” Now, conservatives want the unrestrained. They want the aggressive rollback of regulations, rights, and progress.

Over on Facebook, UCLA Law Professor Jonathan Zasloff wrote that he didn’t always agree with Justice Stevens. That was a feature of his jurisprudence, not a bug:

Perhaps [Stevens] didn’t have an overarching Theory Of Everything that he could apply formalistically and uncontroversially downward. What you knew, if you had a good case that honestly was trying to apply precedents, was that it was damn good to see him up there on the bench, that you would get a judge who would understand what was happening and wasn’t just going to ram through the latest fancy theory because it was the latest fancy theory.

He was a judge. And a damn good one.

Conservatives do not want judges who will apply their best guess at the law. They want judges who will impose their pet theories about the law upon cases and controversies. It is sad that a person like Justice Stevens, who couldn’t be pegged down before the brief was even filed, could no longer become a Supreme Court Justice for a Republican administration.

But the saddest thing of all is that, order to meet the radicalized threat posed by the kind of judges modern conservatives appoint, progressives had better start acting the same way. The Court has lurched right, if you want to drag it back to the center, Democrats need to start appointing hardcore progressives. Standing on the center of the see-saw does nothing to balance it out when there’s an elephant squatting on one end.

Republicans understand this, but I’m not sure liberals do. Even if Democrats retake political power in the White House and the Senate, I’m not sure they’re ready to do what is necessary.

Barack Obama surely was not. In many ways, Elena Kagan, who Obama appointed to replace John Paul Stevens on the Supreme Court, is a justice fully in keeping with the Justice Stevens style of conservative legal judgment that only looks “leftist” when plotted against the radicalization of the conservative movement. Kagan is no progressive firebrand. She’s no ideologue. She’s a precedent-loving centrist who stands against the conservative attempt to ignore precedent that disagrees with their pet theories. Had Obama succeeded in getting Merrick Garland on the Court, he likely would have ruled in much the same way as Kagan and Stevens before her. Compared to Neil Gorsuch, sure, Garland is “progressive.” Compared to, I don’t know, Vanita Gupta, Garland is a problem.

Only Justice Sonia Sotomayor stands out among Obama Supreme Court appointees as a true progressive, but she’s very much grown into that role. She didn’t necessarily look like she’d be the strong advocate of criminal justice reform that she’s turned out to be, when she was appointed by George H.W. Bush to the district court. She didn’t look like she’d be who y’all think Ruth Bader Ginsburg is when she was picked off the Second Circuit by Barack Obama. Progressives got lucky with Sotomayor.

The fact that the Democrats running for president have not told me what kind of nominees they will make for the courts is worrisome. The odious Judicial Crisis Network is already running ads, “warning” people that the Democrats have a “secret list” of ultra-liberal nominees, and the Democrats aren’t responding, “HELL YES, WE DO! In fact, HERE’S THE LIST of the awesome people we’re going to appoint to try to STOP YOU.” I don’t hear Larry Krasner’s name being talked about for a Supreme Court appointment, I don’t hear the promises to bring back Goodwin Liu, and I don’t hear Gupta being floated as the next justice. Instead, I hear people talking about rolling Merrick Garland (now 66 years old) back out there for another round.

John Paul Stevens was a model of what a Supreme Court justice should be. But now his watch has ended. We will never see his like again. We can’t hide behind the legal wall of precedent that people like Justice Stevens built for us. It’s time to send in some fire-breathing liberals and stealthy legal assassins.


Elie Mystal is the Executive Editor of Above the Law and a contributor at The Nation. He can be reached @ElieNYC on Twitter, or at elie@abovethelaw.com. He will resist.

The Top Of The Biglaw Heap In Energy, Oil And Gas Law

Why Law Firms Are Moving to the Cloud

Why Law Firms Are Moving to the Cloud

Cloud-based practice management software can help meet the growing expectations of clients, staff, and an increasingly competitive legal marketplace. Download the guide here to learn how.

Cloud-based practice management software can help meet the growing expectations of clients, staff, and an increasingly competitive legal marketplace. Download the guide here to learn how.

Starting A Law Firm = Life on the Wire

Five years ago, life irrevocably changed when I learned that my beloved husband  was diagnosed with brain cancer.  In the few seconds that it took the doctor to convey the news, my optimistic plans for my empty-nest future with my husband — working on law-tech projects together (there wasn’t a computer language that my husband couldn’t master in a matter of days) or living on a beach in the Caribbean part of the year – went up in smoke, and my horizons contracted to figuring out how to make it through each day.

Up until that point, I’d played things relatively safe. True, I’d been running my own law firm, but I stuck with a practice area – energy regulatory law – that would always pay the bills even though it didn’t always light my fire.  My husband did the same; turning down opportunities at start-ups for tech jobs — albeit at great companies like Google and Amazon — to save for our retirement and pay our daughters’ tuition bills. (Thankfully, he did get that opportunity to work for a startup as Chief Technology Officer for about 6 months until the company ran out of money – and he loved it). But even with all of our planning, we couldn’t outrun the horrible fate that life had in store for us.  

As lawyers, we’re on a first-name basis with risk-aversion.  Think about it.  In law school, we’re encouraged to engage in overkill as we’re rewarded with extra points on exams for spotting every issue from the likely to the preposterous just so that we can keep all bases covered.  Risk-aversion carries over to law practice where as attorneys, we’re loathe to offer even tentative advice until we’ve researched every nook and cranny of a particular issue.  

Many lawyers are no different when it comes to career path.  We stay too long at well-paying but soul-crushing jobs that are good enough or pay well but that don’t feed our passion or leave a legacy .  Many new grads who went to law school with a passion to promote justice now settle for legal-adjacent jobs that don’t require a law degree because it seems safer than holding out for what they want.   Needless to say, this approach has caused the rate of depression, alcoholism and substance abuse among lawyers to skyrocket   – yet rather than try to get at the root of the problem by forcing lawyers to think hard about what gives them meaning, we simply look for healthier ways to mask our discontent – as evidenced by the  growing cottage industry focused on lawyer wellbeing.

Even when we talk about starting a law firm, lawyers still yearn for safety.  Back in the day, legendary Jay Foonberg  warned lawyers against starting a firm without a year’s savings on hand.  And so many of today’s coaching programs play to lawyers’ fear of risk by touting programs that will shortcut you to success by adopting, cookie-cutter style, a path that worked for someone else – even if that type of firm isn’t necessarily what you may have in mind.  

Here’s the thing.  With or without a plan, starting your own law firm is risky and scary.  Always has been, always will be.  There’s no guarantee that you will succeed, and there’s not much of a safety net if you fail.  And as I now know from my own personal experience, even the best laid plans are never foolproof. 

And yet, what I’ve also learned as I emerge from the fog of grief is that there’s a lightness that comes from taking a risk or embracing uncertainty, or embarking on a course not knowing where it will take you but doing it anyway without a Plan B or the safety net of a second income or a steady salary.   Because life is on the wire, as Karl Wallenda  famously observed. The rest is waiting.  

If you have been thinking about starting a law firm but feeling nervous about doing it, stop waiting and pull from within you the courage  to join us out here on the wire. It feels good to be back.

T14 Law School Dean Remembers Justice John Paul Stevens As A ‘Judge’s Judge’

Justice John Paul Stevens (Photo by Chip Somodevilla/Getty Images)

He’s not someone who’s historically been a champion of either political camp. He was a humble person who despite his position and stature, was at ease with all kinds of people, and able to bring them together.

One of the things that was said about him repeatedly was that he was a “judge’s judge.” Especially in a day and age when both parties jockey — certainly more on the right — to nominate judges who they see as transforming the law and embracing fairly strong ideological positions. Justice Stevens was the opposite of that, someone who was very skeptical of that style of judging.

He really strove for a kind of fairness in his jurisprudence, a nuance that resists ideological characterizations. He wasn’t a hero of the right like [Antonin] Scalia, or a hero of the left like Brennan or [Thurgood] Marshall. He’s done his own thing and that idiosyncrasy has in some ways kept him from the limelight.

— Dean Eduardo Peñalver of Cornell Law School, a former law clerk to Justice John Paul Stevens, offering fond rembrances of the late justice in the wake of his passing.


Staci ZaretskyStaci Zaretsky is a senior editor at Above the Law, where she’s worked since 2011. She’d love to hear from you, so please feel free to email her with any tips, questions, comments, or critiques. You can follow her on Twitter or connect with her on LinkedIn.