Robert Mugabe. The end of an era – The Zimbabwean

The end of an era in Zimbabwe’s history has come. Robert Mugabe died in Singapore on 6 September 2019 aged 95. Ironically he did not die in his own country which he ruled for 38 years or in a Zimbabwean government hospital where doctors are on strike and where hospital staff were last week reprimanded at Chitungwiza Hospital for eating patients’ food.  He did not die in a Zimbabwean hospital where patients must pay cash upfront for everything from medicines, splints, bandages, syringes and needles to drips, injections, anaesthetists, specialists and surgery.

Robert Mugabe   21 February 1924 – 6 September 2019.
Prime Minister and President of Zimbabwe  April 1980 – 21 November 2017.

17 April 1980 on the eve of Zimbabwe’s Independence, Robert Mugabe said: “An evil remains an evil whether practiced by white against black or by black against white. Our majority rule could easily turn into inhuman rule if we oppressed, persecuted or harassed those who do not look or think like the majority of us. Democracy is never mob-rule.”

About the massacre of 20,000 people in Matabeleand by the 5th Brigade of the Zimbabwean army between 1983 and 1987, Robert Mugabe said:” it was a moment of madness.

2000: Referring to white Zimbabweans during the invasions of commercial farms by Zanu PF supporters and war veterans: “You are now our enemies because you really have behaved as enemies of Zimbabwe. We are full of anger. Our entire community is angry and that is why we now have the war veterans seizing land.”

2006 on the arrest and torture of fifteen trade union activists in Zimbabwe: “Some are crying that they were beaten. Yes you will be thoroughly beaten. When the police say move you move. If you don’t move, you invite the police to use force.”

2008 in Bulawayo, Zimbabwe: “Only God who appointed me will remove me, not the MDC, not the British.”

2010 in Zimbabwe about gays and lesbians:  “Worse than pigs and dogs… Those who do it, we will say, they are wayward. It is just madness, insanity.”

Cathy Buckle, Zimbabwe.  6 September 2019. www.cathybuckle.co.zw

Robert Mugabe: 1924-2019, a liberator turned oppressor
High court rules in Moyo’s favour, again

Post published in: Featured

New Mexico Abolishes Spousal Privilege And I Have No Idea Who To Talk To About That

The spousal privilege is the privilege I understand the most. It’s the privilege that, to me, seems most grounded in real, equitable concerns. Sure, the attorney-client privilege is necessary from a pure “process” standpoint. Other privileges allow other professional classes to their jobs free of criminal concerns. But that spousal privilege just seems like a thing that gets to the heart of keeping the state out of your life. The fact that nothing you say to your spouse can be used against you in a court of law makes me feel safe. If you ask me, I think the spousal privilege should extend to Alexa.

According to the state of New Mexico, not only am I wrong, but I am advocating for a misogynistic anachronism that no longer tracks with the real world. The New Mexico Supreme Court has become the first court in the nation to abolish the spousal privilege! The fact that this isn’t somehow front page news leading the entire legal press perhaps shows just how out of touch I am. From the ABA Journal:

The court said the privilege “has outlived its useful life,” report the Legal Profession Blog and the Associated Press. Justifications that have been cited for the privilege “seem little more than soaring rhetoric and legally irrelevant sentimentality,” the court said in its Aug. 30 opinion.

“We believe that the privilege is a vestige of a vastly different society than the one we live in today and has been retained in New Mexico simply through inertia,” the court said in a majority opinion by Chief Justice Judith Nakamura.

I mean, sure, the spousal privilege can be abused. So can all privileges. And sure, it comes from an inherently flawed view that a “wife’s” legal existence was inseparable from her husband’s. That’s bad. If that was sum total of the privilege’s continued existence, we should burn it to the ground. But the court goes this far:

But the privilege rests on assumptions that spouses are aware that the privilege exists, and that they rely on it when deciding how much information to share, the New Mexico Supreme Court said. Those assumptions are untested and do not survive scrutiny, according to the court.

Look, if we judged privileges by whether people know they exist and how they work, no privileges would exist. Whether a person knows that post-coital pillow talk (with your spouse) is inadmissible should be irrelevant. The issue should be whether people have a reasonable expectation that their communications are private. I’d argue that the confines of one’s relationship is where the expectation of privacy is the strongest. I don’t have to know how it works to know, and justifiably rely upon the fact, that when I fantasize with my spouse the six people I’d like to see die in a structure fire, that’s not going to come back on me if one of those people ends up falling down an elevator shaft in our building. I don’t think that because I went to law school, I think that because I know the difference between private and public speech.

We don’t need to abolish the marital privilege because it started from a place of sexism and traditional relationships, we need to expand it to include all of the private relationships we now have that aren’t officially licensed marriage. I can think of nothing more relevant to the modern world than expanding the scope of privacy that we can justifiably rely upon, given technology’s ever present encroachment on our private lives. You shouldn’t have to be “married” to expect that the things you say to your partner while you’re both getting ready for work are subject to some basic legal privileges. I mean, as long as you keep it to yourselves and don’t act like social media is also private, the privilege should extend to a wider array of relationships and choices.

On the other hand:

The court also noted that the privilege was adopted at a time when the wife’s legal existence was deemed to be suspended during marriage or incorporated into the husband’s legal existence. Critics point to that history and say the privilege creates a disparate gender impact because it is more often invoked by men than women and is often used to isolate families from state interference, the court said.

“The misogynistic history of the privilege is obvious and odious,” the court said.

I mean, they’re not wrong. I’m arguing about how the privilege should be used, the court is arguing about how the privilege has been used. The court has the right of that battle.

And if people would like to agree with me, maybe the New Mexico state legislature could re-write this thing along more progressive and modern lines.

Spousal communication privilege ‘has outlived its useful life,’ state supreme court says [ABA Journal]


Elie Mystal is the Executive Editor of Above the Law and a contributor at The Nation. He can be reached @ElieNYC on Twitter, or at elie@abovethelaw.com. He will resist.

The Accidental Ponzi Scheme

LeClairRyan, once a 400-attorney firm with offices across the country, has filed for bankruptcy. The filing has been expected ever since the firm’s dramatic, highly public meltdown began in July with the departure of its founding partner, Gary LeClair, which I’ve been tracing in this column for the past month.

For this last of three pieces about LeClairRyan, I spoke with former firm partners who were there for a key transitional point in the firm’s management culture. The portrait they painted was one of a firm culture that shifted from openness to secrecy, and from meritocracy to patronage, and from smart growth to a desperate search for cash to cover for past mistakes. But more than anything, the story that starts to emerge is one that reads more like that of a would-be emperor imperceptibly and unwittingly transforming into an ersatz Bernie Madoff. Gary LeClair aggressively pursued growth for his firm, at first for its own sake, but later because that growth may have been all that was keeping the firm afloat. When that unsustainable growth stopped, the wheels came off, and the knives came out.

 The Golden Era

Business was booming throughout the legal industry in the mid-1990s, and LeClairRyan was taking advantage. According to former partner David Nagle, Gary LeClair was successfully growing his firm by luring over young business generating partners from throughout Virginia with his mantra of “mutual trust and respect.” A primary selling point was a transparent, open compensation system. “It had one of the most appealing and novel approaches to compensation, called the ‘consensus exercise,’ where all of the equity partners essentially took the total compensation budget, calculated by Gary, and submitted their own charts as to how it should be divided amongst the various partners.” While not binding, this open forum for discussion made sure every equity partner felt heard, and understood why final compensation decisions were made.

Another former partner, John Fitzpatrick, referred to the LeClairRyan of the 90s as a “true meritocracy,” one where the people who produced got rewarded for their effort, far better than they would have at older firms that were more interested in maintaining the older partners’ salaries.

The tech bubble collapse of 2001 was what first put those ideals to the test. Both Gary LeClair and the firm he built relied heavily on servicing entrepreneurial tech companies. LeClair’s book was reportedly decimated, seemingly overnight, and the firm’s financial bedrock was shaken. Firm lawyers, including LeClair, who once commanded top-tier compensation, faced a far more uncertain future.

In response, the old open-compensation system was progressively closed, and compensation decisions were increasingly vested in the hands of LeClair and his compensation committee. Per Nagle, “we went from a real meritocracy, where compensation was based on full disclosure of numbers, to a system that, by the time I left, had evolved where there was very little input from anyone beyond the core leadership group, and there was very little tolerance for dissent or desire for disclosure.”

With decisions now made behind closed doors, the mutual trust LeClairRyan was built on started to erode. A perception began to arise that LeClair and his favored lieutenants were keeping their salaries buoyed by the profits of more productive partners. Not only did the move toward a functionally closed system make lawyers, who are skeptical by nature, concerned about what was happening with compensation, but it seems that it contributed to driving away lawyers and practices that were profit centers for the firm. When rainmakers don’t see the benefits of their own hard work and growth, they become poised to leave for a new firm more willing to pay them what they’re worth. LeClairRyan found itself vulnerable to the same poaching of profitable attorneys it had been so successful at just a few years earlier.

The Band-Aid of Growth

Rather than make the hard choices such as cutting unproductive partners’ salaries (or his own), LeClair instead made a play for growth. In the short term, the plan was to take in existing practices, bringing in new profit centers to shore up declining profits elsewhere. In the long term, the hope was to expand the firm’s national footprint and top-line numbers to entice a fat corporate buyout once state bars began to allow non-attorney ownership of law firms.

The long-term plan fizzled when the predicted sea change in legal ethics rules never came to pass. But the short-term effects of this rapid expansion were also more detrimental than helpful. LeClairRyan expanded aggressively, bringing in small practices with questionable profitability on guaranteed, multi-year salary contracts. Small offices are notoriously expensive, and rarely benefit from the economies of scale that larger law firm satellites enjoy. LeClairRyan’s top line kept expanding, as did Gary LeClair’s empire, but expenses kept pace, and in some cases exceeded the new revenue brought in.

In the last few years, it appears LeClairRyan found itself chasing endless cash infusions to cover the losses its prior decisions had wrought. The ill-fated preferred stock plan, discussed in my last column, kept funds flowing for a while on the promise of a big payout once the firm was bought out. LeClairRyan received a $20M cash injection when it announced its partnership with alternative legal services provider UnitedLex, which I profiled previously. That partnership is now listed as being owed $8M plus interest in LeClairRyan’s bankruptcy schedules.

I don’t believe Gary LeClair set out with anything but the best of intentions in mind. But by the end of the road, LeClairRyan stumbled into being both the perpetrator and the victim of an inadvertent Ponzi scheme. It made bad decisions that cut into its profits, and so made more bad decisions to bring in new sources of funding to cover the shortfall. Then it needed more funding to replace the new funding it brought in, and on, and on, until the company had grown itself into a sudden and thunderous collapse.

Why This Matters

These past few pieces have been close to my heart. I manage a law firm that, up until a few weeks ago, I would have considered a peer of LeClairRyan. I needed to understand why and how such a seemingly forward-thinking firm, one that in some respects seemed to be a model of the forward thinking and experimentation that I champion, could go so wrong so quickly.

While we’ve only gotten a glimpse of the problems LeClairRyan faced, it’s apparent now that their biggest enemy was ignoring an unsustainable present by hoping for a possible future. A firm that doesn’t compensate and retain its dollar-producing partners isn’t going to last. Accurately valuing and pricing the contributions, both monetary and intangible, of each partner is more crucial than ever in a legal market poised for further contraction and more ruthless competition. Similarly, a firm needs confidence in the good faith of its leadership, and leaders need to earn that over time. A partnership needs to know that its leaders will make the tough choices — even when those choices are unpopular or difficult. Some decisions have to be made behind closed doors. When those decisions spawn fear and skepticism, rather than trust, nothing good can or will follow.

LeClairRyan forgot the lessons it built itself on, and died as a result. The only question remaining is how many of us left behind will learn from this collapse, and how many will continue marching proudly toward catastrophe.


James Goodnow

James Goodnow is an attorneycommentator, and Above the Law columnist. He is a graduate of Harvard Law School and is the managing partner of NLJ 250 firm Fennemore Craig. He is the co-author of Motivating Millennials, which hit number one on Amazon in the business management new release category. As a practitioner, he and his colleagues created a tech-based plaintiffs’ practice and business model. You can connect with James on Twitter (@JamesGoodnow) or by emailing him at James@JamesGoodnow.com.

Morning Docket: 09.06.19

(Image via Getty)

* “I like sex. Sex is fun and I can get paid for it. You can make a job out of this? That’s fantastic.” Sears said. “Why would I not do this?” Of course we’ve heard about the lawyer who’s also working as a prostitute. We’ll have more on this incredibly interesting story later today. [KCCI Des Moines]

* Will 2019 be a year without a blockbuster Biglaw merger? With the A&O/O’Melveny combo off the table, it could be. “There were so many mergers the last couple of years that we are seeing a slowdown.” [American Lawyer]

* Lawyers for Paul Manafort are trying to get a mortgage fraud case against him in New York dismissed, citing double jeopardy law. He doesn’t want to have to do more jail time, even if Trump pardons him. [Reuters]

* Lawyer staffing company Axiom will no longer be pursuing an IPO thanks to an infusion of cash from private equity firm Permira Funds. It would have been one of the first publicly traded legal businesses in the country. [Big Law Business]

* Remember the Jussie Smollett controversy where the actor claimed he was involved in a racist and homophobic attack? His lawyers say he shouldn’t have to pay Chicago six figures for the investigation into the hoax because how was he supposed to know so much time would be spent on it. [ABC 7 Chicago]


Staci ZaretskyStaci Zaretsky is a senior editor at Above the Law, where she’s worked since 2011. She’d love to hear from you, so please feel free to email her with any tips, questions, comments, or critiques. You can follow her on Twitter or connect with her on LinkedIn.

Obituary: Robert Mugabe, Zimbabwe’s first post-independence leader – The Zimbabwean

But the hope that accompanied independence in 1980 dissolved into violence, corruption and economic disaster.

President Mugabe became an outspoken critic of the West, most notably the United Kingdom, the former colonial power, which he denounced as an “enemy country”.

Despite his brutal treatment of political opponents, and his economic mismanagement of a once prosperous country, he continued to attract the support of other African leaders who saw him as a hero of the fight against colonial rule.

Robert Gabriel Mugabe was born in what was then Rhodesia on 21 February 1924, the son of a carpenter and one of the majority Shona-speaking people in a country then run by the white minority. Educated at Roman Catholic mission schools, he qualified as a teacher.

Winning a scholarship to Fort Hare University in South Africa, he took the first of his seven academic degrees before teaching in Ghana, where he was greatly influenced by the pan-Africanist ideas of Ghana’s post-independence leader Kwame Nkrumah. His first wife Sally was Ghanaian.

In 1960, Mugabe returned to Rhodesia. At first he worked for the African nationalist cause with Joshua Nkomo, before breaking away to become a founder member of the Zimbabwe African National Union (Zanu).

In 1964, after making a speech in which he called Rhodesian Prime Minister Ian Smith and his government “cowboys”, Mugabe was arrested and detained without trial for a decade.

Robert Mugabe,(l) The Deputy Of The African National Congress (Anc) Georges Silundika And The Leader Of The Zapu Party (Zimbabwe African People Union) Joshua Nkomo At A Meeting In Dar Es Salaam,Mugabe (l) with Nkomo (r) in 1960. The relationship between the two would sour after independence

His baby son died while he was still in prison and he was refused permission to attend the funeral.

In 1973, while still in detention, he was chosen as president of Zanu. After his release, he went to Mozambique and directed guerrilla raids into Rhodesia. His Zanu organisation formed a loose alliance with Nkomo’s Zimbabwe African People’s Union (Zapu).

During the tortuous negotiations on independence for Rhodesia, he was seen as the most militant of the black leaders, and the most uncompromising in his demands.

On a 1976 visit to London, he declared that the only solution to the Rhodesian problem would come out of the barrel of a gun.

Conciliatory

But his negotiating skills earned him the respect of many of his former critics. The press hailed him as “the thinking man’s guerrilla”.

The Lancaster House agreement of 1979 set up a constitution for the new Republic of Zimbabwe, as Rhodesia was to be called, and set February 1980 for the first elections which would be open to the black majority.

Fighting the election on a separate platform from Nkomo, Mugabe scored an overwhelming and, to most outside observers, unexpected victory. Zanu secured a comfortable majority, although the polls were marred by accusations of vote-rigging and intimidation from both sides

A self-confessed Marxist, Mugabe’s victory initially had many white people packing their bags ready to leave Rhodesia, while his supporters danced in the streets.

However, the moderate, conciliatory tone of his early statements reassured many of his opponents. He promised a broad-based government, with no victimisation and no nationalisation of private property. His theme, he told them, would be reconciliation.

Mugabe speaking on Independence Day in 1980He initially promised a programme of reconciliation

Later that year he outlined his economic policy, which mixed private enterprise with public investment.

He launched a programme to massively expand access to healthcare and education for black Zimbabweans, who had been marginalised under white-minority rule.

With the prime minister frequently advocating one-party rule, the rift between Mugabe and Nkomo widened.

After the discovery of a huge cache of arms at Zapu-owned properties, Nkomo, recently demoted in a cabinet reshuffle, was dismissed from government.

While paying lip service to democracy, Mugabe gradually stifled political opposition. The mid-1980s saw the massacre of thousands of ethnic Ndebeles seen as Nkomo’s supporters in his home region of Matabeleland.

Confiscation

Mugabe was implicated in the killings, committed by the Zimbabwean army’s North Korean-trained 5th Brigade, but never brought to trial.

Under intense pressure, Nkomo agreed for his Zapu to be merged with – or taken over by – Zanu to become the virtually unchallenged Zanu-PF.

After abolishing the office of prime minister, Mugabe became president in 1987 and was elected for a third term in 1996.

The same year, he married Grace Marufu, after his first wife had died from cancer. Mugabe already had two children with Grace, 40 years his junior. A third was born when the president was 73.

Farm workers are harangued by a Zanu-PF supporterFarms were occupied by Zanu-PF supporters

He did have some success in building a non-racial society, but in 1992 introduced the Land Acquisition Act, permitting the confiscation of land without appeal.

The plan was to redistribute land at the expense of more than 4,500 white farmers, who still owned the bulk of the country’s best land.

In early 2000, with his presidency under serious threat from the newly formed Movement for Democratic Change (MDC), led by former trade union leader Morgan Tsvangirai, Mugabe lashed out against the farmers, seen as MDC backers.

His supporters, the so-called “war veterans”, occupied white-owned farms and a number of farmers and their black workers were killed.

Foreign aid

The action served to undermine the already battered economy as Zimbabwe’s once valuable agricultural industry fell into ruin. Mugabe’s critics accused him of distributing farms to his cronies, rather than the intended rural poor.


Robert Mugabe – key dates

1924: Born. Later trains as a teacher

1964: Imprisoned by Rhodesian government

1980: Wins post-independence elections

1996: Marries Grace Marufu

2000: Loses referendum, pro-Mugabe militias invade white-owned farms and attack opposition supporters

2008: Comes second in first round of elections to Tsvangirai who pulls out of run-off amid nationwide attacks on his supporters

2009: Amid economic collapse, swears in Tsvangirai as prime minister, who serves in uneasy government of national unity for four years

2017: Sacks long-time ally Vice-President Emmerson Mnangagwa, paving the way for his wife Grace to succeed him

November 2017: Army intervenes and forces him to step down


Zimbabwe moved rapidly from being one of Africa’s biggest food producers to having to rely on foreign aid to feed its population.

In the 2000 elections for the House of Assembly, the MDC won 57 out of the 120 seats elected by popular vote, although a further 20 seats were filled by Mugabe’s nominees, securing Zanu-PF’s hold on power.

Two years later, in the presidential elections, Mugabe achieved 56.2% of the vote compared with Mr Tsvangirai’s 41.9% against a background of intimidation of MDC supporters. Large numbers of people in rural areas were prevented from voting by the closure of polling stations.

Three members of the Movement for Democratic Change (MDC) who say they have been beaten by members of Mugabe's youth with sticks in the Masvingo 300km south of Harare pose on May 3, 2008 in Harare.MDC activists were attacked around the country in 2008

With the MDC, the US, UK and the European Union not recognising the election result because of the violence and allegations of fraud, Mugabe – and Zimbabwe – became increasingly isolated.

The Commonwealth also suspended Zimbabwe from participating in its meetings until it improved its record as a democracy.

In May 2005, Mugabe presided over Operation Restore Order, a crackdown on the black market and what was said to be “general lawlessness”.

Some 30,000 street vendors were arrested and whole shanty towns demolished, eventually leaving an estimated 700,000 Zimbabweans homeless.

Squabbling

In March 2008, Mugabe lost the first round of the presidential elections but won the run-off in June after Mr Tsvangirai pulled out.

In the wake of sustained attacks against his supporters across the country, Mr Tsvangirai maintained that a free and fair election was not possible.

Zimbabwe’s economic decline accelerated, with inflation rates reaching stratospheric levels.

After hundreds of people died from cholera, partly because the government could not afford to import water treatment chemicals, Mugabe agreed to negotiate with his long-time rival about sharing power.

Morgan Tsvangirai leaves after being sworn in by President Robert MugabeImage copyrightGETTY IMAGESImage captionThe power-sharing agreement was undermined by arguments

After months of talks, in February 2009 Mugabe swore in Mr Tsvangirai as prime minister.

It came as no surprise that the arrangement was far from perfect, with constant squabbling and accusations by some human rights organisations that Mugabe’s political opponents were still being detained and tortured.

Mr Tsvangirai’s reputation also suffered by his association with the Mugabe regime, despite the fact that he had no influence over the increasingly irascible president.

The 2013 election, in which Mugabe won 61% of the vote, ended the power-sharing agreement and Mr Tsvangirai went into the political wilderness.

While there were the usual accusations of electoral fraud – UN Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon asked that these be investigated – there was not the widespread violence that had marked previous polls in Zimbabwe.

Successors

It was an election that saw Robert Mugabe, at the age of 89, confirm his position as the undisputed power in the country.

His advancing years, and increasing health problems, saw much speculation as to who might replace him.

But the manoeuvring among possible successors revealed how fragmented Zimbabwe’s administration was and underlined the fact that it was only held together by Mugabe’s dominance.

Mugabe himself seemed to delight in playing off his subordinates against each other in a deliberate attempt to dilute whatever opposition might arise.

With speculation that his wife, Grace, was poised to take control in the event of his death in office, Mugabe announced in 2015 that he fully intended to fight the 2018 elections, by which time he would be 94.

Robert Mugabe in 2008Image copyrightAFPImage captionHe was the undisputed power in Zimbabwe

And, to allay any doubt remaining among possible successors, he announced in February 2016 that he would remain in power “until God says ‘come’”.

In the event it wasn’t God but units of the Zimbabwe National Army which came for Robert Mugabe. On 15 November 2017 he was placed under house arrest and, four days later, replaced as the leader of Zanu-PF by his former vice-president, Emmerson Mnangagwa.

Defiant to the end Mugabe refused to resign, But, on 21 November, as a motion to impeach him was being debated in the Zimbabwean parliament, the speaker of the House of Assembly announced that Robert Mugabe had finally resigned.

Mugabe negotiated a deal which protected him and his family from the risk of future prosecution and enabled him to retain his various business interests. He was also granted a house, servants, vehicles and full diplomatic status.

Ascetic in manner, Robert Mugabe dressed conservatively and drank no alcohol. He viewed both friend and foe with a scepticism verging on the paranoid.

The man who had been hailed as the hero of Africa’s struggle to throw off colonialism had turned into a tyrant, trampling over human rights and turning a once prosperous country into an economic basket case.

His legacy is likely to haunt Zimbabwe for years.

Mugabe was no revolutionary. He was obsessed with power and control

Post published in: Featured

Mugabe was no revolutionary. He was obsessed with power and control – The Zimbabwean

Robert Mugabe

Robert Mugabe will not be remembered as the freedom fighter who helped liberate Zimbabwe, but as a man who whose 40 years in power was anything but admirable, writes Melusi Nkomo.

In the future, when history is written about Robert Mugabe, it will not be about a black man raised by a single mother, who defied all odds in racially segregated Southern Rhodesia to pursue an education at the highest level.

Neither will it be a history of an articulate black African teacher turned politician who spent around a decade in prison for challenging white colonial racism and working for the betterment of black Zimbabweans.

It will be about the four decades that Robert Mugabe was at the helm of power in post-colonial Zimbabwe, in which his rule was anything but admirable.

As a young politician in the late 1950s and early 1960s, Mugabe was by no means the most prominent of black nationalists who were fighting white colonial rule. Neither was he the most motivated. He was, however, the most eloquent, if not sophisticated.

Mugabe

For a clique of educated black elites, whose political and societal outlook was fashioned in mission schools, Mugabe was the man of choice to convey the message to white rulers – in voice and comportment – that blacks were no longer “uncivilised tribesmen”. They were sophisticated enough to deserve the franchise. In everyday manners and air, Mugabe was an “English man” who spoke their language in the shapely tone of an eloquent and “cultured” gentleman.

It is no wonder that when he arrived on the nascent nationalist scene, fellow nationalists noticed his gift of the gab and he was assigned the job of publicity secretary in their organisation, the National Democratic Party (NDP).

Then, Mugabe had come back home, presumably for holidays, from Ghana where worked as a teacher, with the intention to go back to West Africa. He may never have wanted to stay in Rhodesia for long. His entry into national politics, it seems, was made of anything but personal resolve. He became the reluctant latecomer who went on to dominate Zimbabwean politics for almost half a century.

Much of what people from outside Zimbabwe know about Mugabe started on April 18, 1980, when the colonial tether on Zimbabwe snapped, and the country gained independence from Britain. The popular story is that Mugabe, as a Marxist revolutionary, ushered in a new era of liberation and social progress, exemplified by the early enthusiasm in expanding the education and health delivery system for black people.

Even that narrative is misleading. Mugabe was neither a socialist nor a revolutionary.

When juxtaposed with other African post-independent social and political revolutionaries – Julius Nyerere, Kwame Nkrumah, Kenneth Kaunda, among other luminaries — Mugabe makes for an awkward comparison. For his time in Ghana, he indeed learnt very little from Nkrumah’s quest for a holistic social transformation backed by strong ideological convictions. Mugabe was a rebel, however one who wanted to replace white rulers for a self-interested political project. He tactfully did so, but not without copious doses of Machiavellism, if not outright wickedness.

He hated revolutionary talk, the same way he hated revolutionary garb. When he “talked revolutions”, it was expedient for his narrow political ascendancy to life presidency. When he donned revolutionary garb (even then, very briefly in the early 1980s for picture poses), he always unseemly added a tie to a safari suit. That is the furthest that he went. One could easily separate a nerdy Mugabe, socially distancing himself from his “less sophisticated”, but hands-on, peers who did not mind getting their hands dirty leading ideologically abutted socialist programmes.

A story is often told that Mugabe was quick to express his displeasure at the invitation of Bob Marley to perform at the Independence celebrations in 1980. It’s said he had wanted a pianist, preferably British, possibly Cliff Richard. Mugabe never hid his disdain for pot-smoking and dreadlocked black men, he instead marvelled at European classical musicians, especially Beethoven. I may sound like someone majoring on the minors.

zc

As an intellectual, Mugabe was never a serious one, unlike his peers, Nyerere and Kaunda. His idea of intellectualism was confined to the uninspiring accumulation of certificates, academic or otherwise. His much-vaunted “seven university degrees”, many achieved through correspondence, were a testimony to this.

A cursory Google search of his “works” shows one collection of his speeches titled Neither our war of liberation: Speeches, articles, interviews, 1976-1979, but nothing intellectually intriguing.

His politics, therefore, lacked ideological robustness and many of his party and national programmes were not designed to outlive him. For that reason, he loathed any discussion about succession, and was violent to anyone posing any kind of threat to him as the Oberführer of the killing machine that his party, ZANU-PF, turned out to be.

It is easy to point out the expansion of social programmes, such as the education system and health services during the independence euphoria of the 1980s, as an example of Mugabe’s commitment to black people and socialism.

But people are usually quick to forget that throughout the 1980s, and with “Britain’s wilful blindness”, now we know, Mugabe sought to create a one-party dictatorship in the mould of the Kims’ North Korea.

He, in fact, invited North Korean military supervisors to help him create a private army brigade that hounded the opposition and committed one of the worst atrocities against African people in independent Africa. In the end, an estimated 20 000 civilians, most of them isiNdebele-speaking black men, women and children, lay dead in unmarked mass graves.

He thus had a bizarre “populism” that relied on force rather than the support of the masses. It was expedient for a self-interested political ambition but simply unsustainable. It began tottering from the 1990s onwards.

Faced with a fast-changing global political economy and louder demands for change at home, Mugabe’s “socialism” was exposed as a clumsy fraud that it was. Western donors who had footed part of his bills started isolating him, corruption in his government sprouted. The perceived glories of the 1980s went down the drain and with them went the social programmes.

Epidemic after epidemic also exposed the weak foundations of the healthcare delivery system; from HIV and Aids in the late 1990s, to cholera and typhoid in the 2000s.

Educated Zimbabweans hopped in desperation from one country to another, carrying wads of certificates that usually gave them minimum wage jobs if not “bullshit jobs”.

The Mugabe era education system specifically, was bad for the country. With it, he stifled critical minds and killed innovation. Schools taught people to cram for examinations and follow instructions down to a tee.

The most famous teacher in the village or township was one who whacked the hell out of children for failing a test. Most schools were a mirror image of Mugabe’s political modus operandi; whacking dissenters and ruling the country with a huge stick in hand.

Decidedly, in such school pupils passed with high grades, but out of fear. Fear of the teachers’ reprisals or in the case of college students, fear of being left behind when others got enough “qualifications” to skip the border after graduation.

Mugabe, a teacher trained in the 1940s and 1950s, when blacks weren’t expected or allowed to think critically, managed to oil and expand what his Rhodesian predecessors had left behind.

He flaunted this education system whenever he got the chance. It churned out a politically compliant population that loved instruction manuals and textbooks. Individuals recited what they memorised under the watch of an angry teacher – and ended up doing it with glee. That of course, was sometimes seen as a “sign of intelligence” among Zimbabweans.

In the early 2000s when I enrolled at the University of Zimbabwe, the campus was severely intimidated. Criticisms of the president and the ruling party were sporadic and minimal. Student activists and professors were cowed and afraid. Undoubtedly, some of the student activists were angered by the Mugabe regime, but a fair share, I suppose, took activism as an opportunity to, occasionally, get a decent meal, a T-shirt and an allowance at some NGO-organised students’ workshop. Or quite strategically, for a few, to find the easiest way out of the country through a “persecuted students” scholarship.

And I don’t blame them. Everyone was leaving, the country was on its knees, even government ministers’ children were scarpering.

Those who managed to skip the border to escape the hellhole that our country had become, made for lovely, smiling and articulate butlers and waiters that attended to tourists in places like Dubai and Cape Town.

Zimbabweans could, of course, read and cram the menu, enough to explain food recipes to visitors in impeccable English. They also made for the best implementers of NGO projects – whether or not they believed in their employers’ philosophies (most of the times we didn’t). They became the best foremen and machine operators on farms in South Africa’s Limpopo and Mpumalanga provinces – because they could read and follow instructions on seed and pesticide packages.

Most never uttered any criticism, come rain come sunshine. Sadly that “culture” extended to politics of our nation. And Robert Mugabe knew that.

** Melusi Nkomo has a PhD from the Graduate Institute Geneva (Switzerland) and is a former fellow at the Center for African Studies at Harvard University.

** This was first published on Africa Is A Country in November 2017 and is published under a common creative licence.

Obituary: Robert Mugabe, Zimbabwe’s first post-independence leader
Municipal police turns into a militia

Post published in: Featured

Municipal police turns into a militia – The Zimbabwean

On September 4, 2019, CHRA Programmes Officer, Reuben Akili was heavily assaulted by municipal police officers for telling them that their heavy handedness on vendors was tainting the image of the council.

As if that was not enough, Akili was bundled into a council truck and was accused of stabbing a municipal police officer.

He was released after the intervention of a senior council employee.

Akili sustained injuries as a result of the assault.

This case will not go unchallenged.

We have since engaged legal experts who are working on the case and ultimately, we will seek to bring the identified culprits to book.

We will also engage council officials over the unruly behavior of municipal police officers who have turned into a militia and in the process, violating citizens’ rights in the city center.

In as much as we appreciate the role of municipal police officers, we are firmly against the use of force in the execution of their duties.

Municipal police officers have become notorious for extortion and abuse and as CHRA, we will work flat out to put this to an end.

Mugabe was no revolutionary. He was obsessed with power and control
Zimbabwe’s intellectual despot: how Mugabe became Africa’s fallen angel

Post published in: Featured

Zimbabwe’s intellectual despot: how Mugabe became Africa’s fallen angel – The Zimbabwean

Three great questions dominated the 37-year rule of Robert Gabriel Mugabe, who has died aged 95.

One is the mystery of how a giant of Africa’s liberation movement, an intellectual who preached racial reconciliation long before Nelson Mandela emerged from prison, could turn into a caricature of despotism.

Another is what kind of future he would bequeath Zimbabwe, a beautiful yet benighted country that he ruled for almost all of the nearly four decades that have passed since it won independence from the British.

The third was the nature of his passing: would he die or be deposed?

We got the answer to the last one in November 2017, when Mugabe was ousted in a military coup in everything but name then ruthlessly sacked by his own party. Reluctantly, bewildered and shaken, the ailing president stood down. His last weeks in power had been dominated by a power struggle between his wife, Grace, and the former vice-president Emmerson Mnangagwa, a long-serving veteran of Zimbabwe’s 1970s liberation wars who had always been viewed as a likely successor. The news of Mugabe’s departure was greeted with rejoicing across the nation.

For the other two questions there are clues, but no easy answers, to the making of this dictator.

He was abandoned by his father as a boy; he suffered the deaths of a three-year-old son and a compassionate wife; then there was his warped fascination with Britain.

Mugabe was awarded an honorary knighthood by the Queen then stripped of the honour, an insult he never forgave. The former colonial power shaped his dress code, manners and vision to the end. “Cricket civilises people and creates good gentlemen. I want everyone to play cricket in Zimbabwe,” he once said. “I want ours to be a nation of gentlemen.”

Robert Mugabe

Zimbabwe is a nation whose gentleness and articulacy seem at odds with the catalogue of torture and thuggery; a fertile land with the best climate in the world brought to the edge of ruin.

Robert Mugabe in 1976: leader of the Zimbabwean African National Union, one of the two armed liberation movements.

 Robert Mugabe in 1976: leader of the Zimbabwean African National Union, one of the two armed liberation movements. Photograph: Keystone/Getty

Mugabe created Zanu-PF, the ruling party, in his own image, and sought to do the same with Zimbabwe. He rose with quiet determination and ruthlessness.

Raised a Catholic and educated at missionary schools, he moved to Fort Hare University in South Africa for the first of his seven degrees and became a teacher in Ghana.

When he returned to the then Rhodesia in 1960, his political activism earned him a 10-year prison term for “subversive speech”, after which he fled to neighbouring Mozambique to lead the guerrilla forces of the Zimbabwe African National Union (Zanu) – which had split from Joshua Nkomo’s Zimbabwe African People’s Union (Zapu) – in a protracted war against Ian Smith’s government that left 27,000 dead.

The 1979 Lancaster House agreement in London brought independence to Zimbabwe and Mugabe returned home a hero.

He announced a policy of reconciliation and invited whites to help rebuild the country.

“If yesterday I fought you as an enemy, today you have become a friend,” he told them. “If yesterday you hated me, today you cannot avoid the love that binds me to you.”

He initially ran a coalition government with Nkomo, his fellow freedom fighter, but the pair fell out.

Then came the biggest counter-argument to the notion that Mugabe was a good man slowly corrupted by power: Gukurahundi, or “the rain that washes away the chaff before the spring rains”.

As early as 1982 his North Korean-trained Fifth Brigade crushed an armed rebellion by fighters loyal to Nkomo in the province of Matabeleland. His rival’s party, Zapu, was ethnically largely Ndebele, while Zanu was predominantly Shona. This divide underlay the vicious ethnic cleansing that ensued in the mid-80s, when at least 20,000 people died in Matabeleland, a series of massacres classified as genocide by the US-based Genocide Watch.

Few in the west noticed, or wanted to. They preferred to see an economy that was growing as agriculture boomed and Mugabe built clinics and schools, turning Zimbabwe into one of the healthiest, best-educated and most hopeful countries in Africa.

Robert Mugabe saluting supporters in Salisbury (now Harare) after returning to the country from exile to fight the general election.

 Robert Mugabe saluting supporters in Salisbury (now Harare) after returning to the country from exile to fight the general election. Photograph: Picture library

The optimism began to sour in 1997, when Mugabe gave in to pressure from war veterans waging violent protests for pensions. Trade unions and political activists began organising what would become the first viable political threat to Mugabe, the Movement for Democratic Change (MDC). But it was partly bankrolled by white farmers, which allowed Mugabe to whip up militancy against it.

In 2000 Mugabe began a land reform programme, billed as an attempt to correct the unresolved colonialist legacy by giving white-owned farms to landless black people. Many saw it as a crude attempt to sideline the MDC, which commanded wide support among farm workers.

White farmers were forcibly evicted by self-styled war veterans, many too young ever to have fought in the liberation war, and their properties handed to Zanu-PF cronies or black Zimbabweans who lacked the skills and capital to farm.

The ensuing chaos undermined the economy, which shrank to half the size it had been in 1980. The one-time “breadbasket of Africa” became dependent on foreign aid to feed its masses. Hyperinflation turned the national currency into a standing joke – a hamburger cost 15m Zimbabwe dollars – and it had to be abolished as the US dollar became the de facto currency.

Schools and hospitals fell apart, once-eradicated diseases returned and life expectancy crashed from 61 to 45. Millions of people moved to neighbouring South Africa and other countries, a monumental flight of intellectual capital.

The political environment also became hostile, with activists and journalists persecuted, jailed or murdered. The MDC claims that 253 people died in political violence in the 2008 election. The party’s leader, Morgan Tsvangirai, widely seen as the vote’s real winner, was forced to join Mugabe in an uneasy power-sharing agreement.

The prime minister, Morgan Tsvangirai, and president, Robert Mugabe, at a rally to mark Zimbabwe’s 31st anniversary of independence in 2011.

 The prime minister, Morgan Tsvangirai, and president, Robert Mugabe, at a rally to mark Zimbabwe’s 31st anniversary of independence in 2011. It was an uneasy relationship. Photograph: Reuters

“He started very well but ended up disgraced because he eroded his own legacy by collapsing a once-vibrant economy, by violence, by appearing to tendencies of dictatorship and one-man rule,” Tsvangirai told the Guardian in a 2011 interview. “That’s what his record will reveal.”

Mugabe could not bear to relinquish power even when the democratic current turned against him two decades ago, he added. “I think the turning point of Mugabe was when he lost the support of the people, when it dawned on him the people no longer supported him. Then he became reactionary. He reacted to the people’s will by enforcing his will on the people. That was around the late 90s.”

Quite when, and why, Mugabe “moved from a hero to a villain” will be debated for many years to come. Denis Norman, a white farmer who became his agriculture minister from 1980 to 1985, said: “He was such a complex character who was very difficult to fully understand and analyse. He was a very intelligent man who ruthlessly pursued his goals and ambitions, which during his rise to power must have injured many who were also competing for top positions.

“I have always maintained that his driving force was the desire to control and remain in power, and once achieved to remain in that position. I am well aware of the allegations of corruption that have surrounded him, but without any evidence as opposed to rumours, I don’t believe that the creation of wealth was ever his motive; the same cannot be said for many of those who surround him.

“The softer side of his nature was rarely if ever seen, but it certainly used to exist, along with a warm sense of humour, but I believe he guarded both very carefully in case they are interpreted as a sign of weakness.”

Norman added: “I don’t think history will judge him favourably. He will be remembered for all the events that have taken place during his latter period in power: the land invasions, the rigged elections, the beatings in the townships and the ineptitude of the courts.”

Another insight is offered by Simba Makoni, who toured Europe with Mugabe in the late 1970s and served in his government. “I know of two Mugabes: the early Mugabe and the later Mugabe.

“The first Mugabe of the liberation struggle and the first 10, 15 years of independence isn’t the Mugabe we have today. I didn’t know him to be cruel, I didn’t know him to be uncaring in the time that I worked closely with him in the early years.”

He said the status Mugabe “deserves of a national hero on the basis of his role in the liberation of the country” was “totally wiped out” by his conduct after.

Makoni, a former finance minister, identifies three factors which led to the change in the leader’s character: the accord with Nkomo that in effect destroyed any meaningful opposition – “it removed the only alternative to Mugabe so he had no reason to look over his shoulder”; his switch from prime minister to president in 1987; and the death of his Ghanaian-born first wife Sally in 1992.

All of these happened after the Gukurahundi massacres. Makoni conceded: “I accept yes, you won’t find a rational explanation why a caring, compassionate leader would allow 20,000-30,000 of his citizens to be annihilated under the auspices of Gukurahundi. That notwithstanding, I would say the greater part of Mugabe would come through as a caring, compassionate, committed leader who wanted the best for his people – with the deviation or the aberration of Gukurahundi.”

Many of those who knew him describe an inner conflict between Mugabe the African nationalist and Mugabe the child of British colonialism.

Heidi Holland, who interviewed him for her book Dinner with Mugabe, described him as having tears in his eyes when discussing the royal family. Tendai Biti, another former finance minister, called him “a British gentleman in a proper Victorian sense”.

Makoni, who quit Zanu-PF to lead his own party, Mavambo Kusile Dawn, after a failed attempt to defeat Mugabe, said: “I would say Britain is a passion, not an obsession. He loves the place and its character, its mannerisms.

Emmerson Mnangagwa in 2002. The vice-president is known as ‘the crocodile’.

 Emmerson Mnangagwa, known as ‘the crocodile’, in 2002. Photograph: Obed Zilwa/AP

“I remember once his crew did the longest single flight because Mugabe left New York to go to Wellington in New Zealand and he came via London. You would fly from New York to the west coast across the Pacific to New Zealand, but he had to come back to London first. Every opportunity he had, when he still could go through London, he would go through London.”

Mugabe was stripped of his honorary knighthood in 2008 and subjected to targeted sanctions that prevented him travelling to Britain and other countries. He could no longer shop on Savile Row for his beloved suits and descended into what Tsvangirai describes as an “anti-British paranoia”. As the years wore on, he became increasingly bellicose in denouncing Britain while repeating the mantra: “Zimbabwe will never be a colony again.”

Makoni said: “All this vituperation, my reading of it, is like grapes are sour. My sense is all the anger about the illegal sanctions and all that … the fact that he hasn’t been able to go to London, I think it irked him a lot.”

There is one man who will forever cast a shadow across Mugabe.

Nelson Mandela’s life and career paralleled Mugabe’s in many ways until the South African president relinquished power after one five-year term. Mandela is revered as the greatest statesman Africa has produced; Mugabe, who clung on to power beyond his time, is seen as its fallen angel.

Allister Sparks, the late South African journalist, recalled a conversation with Mandela: “We got to talking about Mugabe, whom he really profoundly disliked, and I think it was reciprocated. He said, ‘You know Allister, the trouble with Mugabe is that he was the star – and then the sun came up.’”

Ex-Zimbabwean president Robert Mugabe dies in hospital in Singapore, two years after he was ousted – The Zimbabwean

His death in Singapore, nearly two years after he was toppled from power, was confirmed this morning by current President Emmerson Mnangagwa. Reports in Zimbabwe say he died with his wife Grace at his side.

Mugabe had been in poor health, admitted to hospital in early April, apparently unable to walk and pictured looking extremely frail in photos alongside his son which may be the last ever taken of him.

Just a few weeks ago he reportedly asked to be buried next to his mother Bona on the family farm near Harare. He had refused a burial at the Heroes Acre, a North Korean-built monument where graves are waiting for him and his wife.

Mugabe was hailed by several African leaders today, many of whom stood by him despite the brutality of his regime. Mnangagwa hailed Mugabe as an ‘icon of liberation and said his ‘contribution to the history of our nation and continent will never be forgotten’.

But he will be little mourned by many of his countrymen who are now free to say so without fear of repression.

He came to power in 1980 as the founding leader of Zimbabwe, initially hailed as a liberator after the country became fully independent from British rule.

But his own reign was marked by murder, bloodshed, torture, persecution of political opponents, intimidation and vote-rigging on a grand scale and there was jubilation in the streets of Zimbabwe when he was toppled in 2017.

And under Mugabe’s leadership, which made him a pariah in the West, the economy of a mineral-rich country descended into chaos with thousands of people reduced to grinding poverty, many of them suffering from near-starvation and worse.

These photographs of the Robert Mugabe, taken in Singapore, show him looking frail and weak alongside his favourite son Robert Junior and may be the last ever taken of him

Robert Junior (left) spent much of his time with his the former president (right) in his final months, thought to be documenting his memoirs

Robert Junior (left) spent much of his time with his the former president (right) in his final months, thought to be documenting his memoirs

Mugabe ruled Zimbabwe for 40  years, during which time there was widespread bloodshed, persecution of political opponents and vote-rigging on a large scale

Mugabe ruled Zimbabwe for 40  years, during which time there was widespread bloodshed, persecution of political opponents and vote-rigging on a large scale

‘It is with the utmost sadness that I announce the passing on of Zimbabwe’s founding father and former President… Robert Mugabe,’ Emmerson Mnangagwa said today.

‘Mugabe was an icon of liberation, a pan-Africanist who dedicated his life to the emancipation and empowerment of his people. His contribution to the history of our nation and continent will never be forgotten.’

A hospital spokesman in Singapore said: ‘We are saddened by the news of the passing of Mr Robert Mugabe, former president of Zimbabwe.

‘Our thoughts and deepest condolences go out to his family and loved ones. We are unable to share further, out of respect for the privacy of Mr Mugabe and his family.’

Singapore’s Foreign Ministry said it was working with the Embassy of Zimbabwe to fly Mugabe’s body home to Zimbabwe for burial.

Mugabe died at 10.40am local time on Friday, diplomatic sources sadi.

Zimbabwean officials were spotted at a rear exit to the Gleneagles Hospital with undertakers from Singapore Casket, one of the country’s leading funeral directors.

Mugabe’s remains appeared destined for an undertakers’ parlour in Lavender Street, where a Mercedes Benz with diplomatic number plates was parked.

Zimbabwe's Charge d'Affairs Cladius Nhema (right) arrives at Singapore Casket undertakers today after Mugabe's death was announced

Zimbabwe’s Charge d’Affairs Cladius Nhema (right) arrives at Singapore Casket undertakers today after Mugabe’s death was announced

Gleneagles Hospital, where Zimbabwe's former President Robert Mugabe died, is seen today

Gleneagles Hospital, where Zimbabwe’s former President Robert Mugabe died, is seen today

In what appear to have been the last photos of Mugabe, the former dictator was seen looking frail and weak alongside his favourite son in June.

Robert Jr, who spent much of his time with his father in his final months, shared photos of Mugabe looking slumped and shrivelled in a tracksuit, baseball cap and white beard.

The pictures are believed to have been taken in Singapore where Mugabe had been receiving treatment.

Mugabe’s visible ailments were often shrouded in mystery. Officials often said he was being treated for a cataract, denying frequent private media reports that he had prostate cancer.

Robert Junior had apparently been taping his father’s memoirs since Mugabe was ousted in 2017.

Mugabe (left) with his eventual successor Emmerson Mnangagwa (right) in younger days

Mugabe (left) with his eventual successor Emmerson Mnangagwa (right) in younger days

Mugabe's later years were partly overshadowed by the ambitions of his wife Grace, whom he married in 1996 (pictured) and who aspired to be President herself

Mugabe’s later years were partly overshadowed by the ambitions of his wife Grace, whom he married in 1996 (pictured) and who aspired to be President herself

Mugabe with then-South African President Nelson Mandela in 1998

Mugabe with then-South African President Nelson Mandela in 1998

Despite Zimbabwe’s decline during his rule, Mugabe remained defiant, railing against the West for what he called its neo-colonialist attitude.

He enjoyed some support among peers in Africa who chose not to judge him in the same way as Britain, the United States and other Western detractors.

Today the South African government hailed him as a ‘fearless pan-Africanist liberation fighter’ and offered condolences ‘to the people of Zimbabwe’.

Kenyan leader Uhuru Kenyatta called him an ‘elder statesman, a freedom fighter and a Pan-Africanist who played a major role in shaping the interests of the African continent’.

The Chinese government, which was a staunch Mugabe supporter and has positioned itself as a powerful ally of Africa in recent years, today called him an ‘outstanding national liberation movement leader and politician of Zimbabwe’.

Russia’s Vladimir Putin also hailed him for his ‘great personal contribution to your country’s independence’.

Zimbabwe was one of the few countries that supported Moscow over its annexation of Crimea, voting against a United Nations resolution affirming the territorial integrity of Ukraine.

Even Nelson Chamisa, the leader of Zimbabwe’s opposition Movement for Democratic Change (MDC), declared that ‘a giant has fallen’.

‘Even though I and our party, the MDC, and the Zimbabwean people had great political differences with the late former President during his tenure in office, and disagreed for decades, we recognise his contribution made during his lifetime as a nation’s founding President,’ he said.

The U.S. embassy in Harare issued a more cautious statement, saying: ‘We join the world in reflecting on his legacy in securing Zimbabwe’s independence.’

British politician Peter Hain, who grew up in South Africa and was a prominent anti-apartheid activist in the 1970s, said Mugabe was ‘a tragic case study of a liberation hero who then betrayed every one of the values of the freedom struggle’.

Mugabe raises his fists at a Rhodesia conference in Geneva in 1974, the year he was released from prison after 10 years of incarceration

Mugabe raises his fists at a Rhodesia conference in Geneva in 1974, the year he was released from prison after 10 years of incarceration

Diana, Princess of Wales talks to Zimbabwean President Robert Mugabe when she visited Harare in 1993

Diana, Princess of Wales talks to Zimbabwean President Robert Mugabe when she visited Harare in 1993

Former British diplomat George Walden, who dealt with Mugabe in the talks that led to his rise to power in 1979, called him a ‘true monster’.

‘The first thing to be said is that one mustn’t speak ill of the dead, except when they killed as many people as Mugabe did,’ he told the BBC’s Today programme.

Mugabe’s later years were partly overshadowed by the ambitions of his wife Grace, whom he married in 1996 and who aspired to be President herself.

His first wife, Sally, who had been seen by many as the only person capable of restraining him, died in 1992.

The topic of his succession was virtually taboo during Mugabe’s decades-long rule but became unavoidable as he clung to power into his 90s and his health weakened.

The military finally intervened in late 2017 to ensure that Grace’s presidential ambitions were ended in favour of their own preferred candidate.

The coup sparked wild celebrations on the streets of Zimbabwe. Today people gathered in small groups as the news filtered out in Harare.

‘I will not shed a tear, not for that cruel man,’ said Tariro Makena, a street vendor. ‘All these problems, he started them and people now want us to pretend it never happened.’

An embittered Mugabe resurfaced last year to say he was backing the opposition candidate at the 2018 election, refusing to support Mnangagwa and his own former ZANU-PF party.

Mugabe with Queen Elizabeth II and Prince Philip before a state banquet at Buckingham Palace in May 1994

Mugabe was born in Southern Rhodesia, as the British colony was then known, in 1924 and his rise to prominence began when he joined a resistance movement against British rule in the 1960s.

He was jailed for his nationalist activities in 1964 and spent the next 10 years in jails and prison camps.

When his infant son died of malaria in Ghana in 1966, Mugabe was denied parole to attend the funeral, a decision by the government of white-minority leader Ian Smith that some experts say played a part in explaining Mugabe’s subsequent bitterness.

After his release, he rose to the top of the powerful Zimbabwe African National Liberation Army, known as the ‘thinking man’s guerrilla’ on account of his seven degrees.

He became prime minister in 1980 of the new Republic of Zimbabwe and assumed the role of president seven years later.

During the 1980s Mugabe unleashed the North Korean-trained Fifth Brigade on a rival nationalist group in a campaign known as Gukurahundi – ‘the rain which washes away the chaff’ – which killed some 20,000 people. His successor Mnangagwa was Minister for State Security at the time.

In 2000 he led a campaign to evict white farmers from their land, which was given to black Zimbabweans, and led to famine.

Zimbabwe was suspended from the Commonwealth in 2002 over accusations of human rights abuses and economic mismanagement and increasingly became an international outcast.

When Mugabe came to power in 1980, life expectancy at birth in Zimbabwe was 59.4 years, rising to 60.8 years in 1986, according to the World Bank.

It then crashed to just 44.1 years by 2002 – a devastating indictment of his rule.

Spry in his impeccably tailored suits, Mugabe as leader maintained a schedule of events and international travel that defied his advancing age, though signs of weariness mounted toward the end.

Mugabe retained a strong grip on power, through controversial elections, until he was forced to resign in November 2017, at age 93.

‘Only God will remove me’: How Robert Mugabe massacred his opponents and rigged elections to cling to power for 37 years and leave Africa’s former breadbasket in poverty

‘Only God, who appointed me, will remove me.’ These were the words of Robert Mugabe, the former President of Zimbabwe who has died today at the age of 95, at an election rally in 2008.

Mugabe swore that he would rule until his death and his longevity sparked fear and fury among the Zimbabweans who had fallen victim to his tyranny.

During his 37 years in power he rigged elections, trashed the economy and unleashed death squads that massacred thousands of his opponents, making him a pariah in the West and reducing thousands of his countrymen to grinding poverty and starvation.

In the end it was not God who removed him, but a coup by his own military generals, who finally tired of him and forced him to resign in 2017. His downfall sparked wild celebrations in Zimbabwe, a country which was once the breadbasket of Africa but which he left mired in economic crisis.

In his retirement he cut a pathetic figure, his health visibly declining. He bitterly refused to support his successor Emmerson Mnangagwa in the 2018 elections.

But Mugabe’s support was not to be underestimated. For many, he remained a figure of liberation and triumph over white minority rule and he drew admirers in Africa for taking a hard line with the West.

Mugabe was born on February 21, 1924, into a Catholic family living 40 miles west of Harare. He was born in what was then the British colony of Southern Rhodesia, which operated under white-minority rule.

Grace Mugabe could now face prosecution for stealing Zimbabwe’s wealth and sharing it with her playboy sons

Grace Mugabe could now face prosecution for crimes allegedly committed while her husband Robert was in power.

The 55-year-old former secretary, who is known as ‘Gucci Grace’ for her fondness for luxury shopping, enjoyed a lavish lifestyle in a desperately impoverished country.

Grace was thought to have been given immunity along with Robert Mugabe by military authorities in Zimbabwe in November 2017.

But current president Emmerson Mnangagwa then told the BBC in January 2018 how he had not granted either of them immunity, although they would be ‘left in peace’.

He said they got a ‘lucrative’ retirement package, adding: ‘The new administration will do everything possible to make sure the family lives in peace, undisturbed.’

In March 2018, police began to investigate claims Grace fronted a poaching and smuggling syndicate which illegally exported elephant tusks, gold and diamonds.

She has not been charged over the allegations, but Mr Mnangagwa sanctioned the probe after Australian photographer Adrian Steirn uncovered ‘very strong’ evidence.

Mr Steirn spent four months investigating wildlife trafficking and posed as a customer for contraband ivory to infiltrate the illegal poaching networks.

He filmed sources claiming Grace smuggled ivory poached in national parks out of Zimbabwe by exploiting her airport security screening exemption as First Lady.

Then in December last year, South African prosecutors issued an arrest warrant for her for allegedly assaulting a model in Johannesburg in 2017.

Mugabe’s sons Robert Jr and Chatunga gained a reputation for their playboy lifestyle, and were evicted from a flat in South Africa in 2017 after it was damaged in a party.

That same year, Chatunga was pictured on social media appearing to pour a £200 bottle of champagne over a watch which he claimed was worth £45,000.

Robert Jr had dreams of a basketball career but US sanctions meant he could play in America, and he launched a clothing label in December 2017 called xGx.

Grace had become deeply unpopular among much of the Zimbabwean public due to her alleged corruption and volatile temper by the time Mugabe was ousted.

But at first she stayed out of politics and was known for her spending, including buying rare diamond jewellery and Rolls-Royce limousines for her playboy sons.

Grace owns vast tracks of land in Mazowe, some 20 miles north east of Harare, and is also believed to own houses in South Africa, Dubai and Singapore.

But last December, it was claimed Grace – whose property portfolio is worth more than £50million – had not paid her farm workers for three months.

This came after about 400 illegal gold miners invaded one of her farms in March 2018, and allegedly uprooted lemon trees, digging shafts and put gold ore on lorries.

The reports of her lavish spending and explosive temper earned her the title ‘Dis-Grace’ – and eyebrows were raised in 2014 when she gained a PhD in three months.

Her spending was an uncomfortable contrast with an economic crisis which left most of the 16 million population mired in poverty and unemployment.

As a child, he tended his grandfather’s cattle and goats, sang in church choir, played football and ‘boxed a lot,’ as he recalled later.

After his carpenter father walked out on the family when he was 10, the young Mugabe concentrated on his studies, qualifying as a schoolteacher at the age of 17.

An intellectual who initially embraced Marxism, he enrolled at Fort Hare University in South Africa, meeting many of southern Africa’s future black nationalist leaders.

His political rise began in the 1960s when he started to campaign for the colony’s independence from British rule. Jailed for his nationalist activities in 1964, he spent the next ten years in prison camps.

During his incarceration, he gained three degrees through correspondence, but the years in prison left their mark.

When his infant son died of malaria in Ghana in 1966, Mugabe was denied parole to attend the funeral, a decision by the government of white-minority leader Ian Smith that some experts say played a part in explaining Mugabe’s subsequent bitterness.

Smith’s white-minority government had declared independence in 1965 but Zimbabwe African National Union guerrilla fighters continued the struggle to end white rule.

Mugabe joined them after his release from prison in 1974, leading an armed struggle during which a number of rivals died in suspicious circumstances.

Mugabe swept to power in 1980, initially as Prime Minister of the newly-founded Republic of Zimbabwe, after white-minority rule was finally brought down under the weight of the insurgency and international sanctions. Tourism and mining flourished and Zimbabwe was the breadbasket of Africa.

Initially hailed as an African liberation hero and a champion of racial reconciliation, Mugabe soon revealed his true nature.

One of his rivals, fellow guerrilla leader Joshua Nkomo, was sacked from government in 1982 after the discovery of an arms cache in his Matabeleland province stronghold.

Not content with that, Mugabe unleashed the North Korean-trained Fifth Brigade on Nkomo’s Ndebele people in a campaign known as Gukurahundi – ‘the rain which washes away the chaff’ – which killed some 20,000 people.

Mugabe, whose party drew most of its support from the ethnic Shona majority, changed the constitution to make himself President in 1987 and continued to solidify his hold on power. He waged a brutal military campaign against an uprising in western Matabeleland province.

It was the violent seizure of white-owned farms which finally turned Mugabe into an international pariah.

In the earlier years of his regime he consorted freely with world leaders, pictured at various times with the Queen, Princess Diana, Tony Blair and Hillary Clinton. From the 2000s onwards he was shunned by most of the West.

Land reform was supposed to take much of the country’s most fertile land – owned by about 4,500 white descendants of mainly British and South African colonial-era settlers – and redistribute it to poor blacks. Instead, Mugabe gave prime farms to ruling party leaders, party loyalists, security chiefs, relatives and cronies.

Violence reigned and much of the white population fled the country. Commercial farming collapsed. Harvests dropped by 40 per cent. There were fights for the maize that remained on the supermarket shelves.

Zimbabwe’s economy entered a downwards spiral, with inflation reaching billions of percent before the local currency was scrapped in favour of the US dollar.

Russian President Vladimir Putin meets with his Zimbabwean counterpart Robert Mugabe at the Kremlin in Moscow in May 2015

The land reforms were widely condemned worldwide, with Britain’s then prime minister Tony Blair describing the attacks on white farmers as ‘barbaric’.

Mugabe hit back, calling Blair a ‘liar’ and an ‘arrogant little fellow’.

The insults didn’t end there. He called then US secretary of state Condoleezza Rice ‘that girl born out of the slave ancestry’ echoing ‘her master’s voice’.

Zimbabwe was suspended from the Commonwealth in March 2002, after Mugabe had been denounced for vote-rigging his own re-election.

Mugabe blamed Western sanctions for the economic collapse, although they were targeted at him and his cronies personally, not at the economy.

He lacked the easy charisma of Nelson Mandela, the anti-apartheid leader and contemporary who became South Africa’s first black president in 1994 after reconciling with its former white rulers.

However, his hard line with the West won him admirers and several African leaders paid tribute to him today.

Mugabe making a speech at Heroes Day in Harare in 1987, the year he became President

‘They are the ones who say they gave Christianity to Africa,’ Mugabe said of the West during a visit to South Africa. ‘We say: “We came, we saw and we were conquered”.’

In 2008 Mugabe’s rule appeared threatened when he lost the first round of the presidential vote against his long-time rival Morgan Tsvangirai.

But Tsvangirai dropped out of the second round after a campaign of violence against his supporters and Mugabe was back in power.

After that election, the West mobilised against him, with former French president Nicholas Sarkozy saying point blank: ‘President Mugabe must go.’ But Mugabe bludgeoned his way to another election victory in 2013, aged 89.

‘I have many degrees in violence,’ Mugabe once boasted on a campaign trail, raising his fist. ‘You see this fist, it can smash your face.’

Mugabe’s later years were partly overshadowed by the ambitions of his wife Grace, whom he married in 1996 and who aspired to be President herself.

His first wife, Sally, who had been seen by many as the only person capable of restraining him, died in 1992.

Known for her elaborate spending sprees of up to £75,000, Grace had an affair and three children with Mugabe when his first wife Sally was dying of kidney disease.

Mugabe and Grace were billionaires. The rest of the country had no money or food. Marx’s Communist Manifesto lay in the gutter.

Mugabe raises arms with former Libyan dictator Muammar Gaddafi in Harare in July 2001

Even after 2008, when Mugabe was forced to form an inclusive government with the Movement for Democratic Change, tyranny continued.  Despite talk of cooperation, MDC officials faced arrests, imprisonment and torture.

It became illegal for two people in the country to meet and discuss politics without approval from the police.

The topic of his succession was virtually taboo during Mugabe’s decades-long rule but became unavoidable as he clung to power well into his 90s and his health weakened.

The military finally intervened in late 2017 to ensure that Grace’s presidential ambitions were ended in favour of their own preferred candidate.

The announcement prompted jubilant scenes in the capital Harare as the news spread and Zimbabweans took to the streets to celebrate the downfall of the ageing dictator.

Until his death aged 95, announced this morning, Mugabe had a luxurious retirement.

Though he disappeared from mainstream politics he was given a state residence, a private car fleet and free air travel.

An embittered Mugabe resurfaced last year to say he was backing the opposition candidate at the 2018 election, refusing to support Mnangagwa and his own former ZANU-PF party.

He was visibly frail in his final months and died in hospital today.

WATCH: ANC reacts to Mugabe’s passing – The Zimbabwean

JOHANNESBURG – The African National Congress has extended condolences to Robert Mugabe’s family following news of his death on Friday.

In a statement, the party said Mugabe would always be remembered for his rallying cry: “Africa is for Africans, Zimbabwe is for Zimbabweans.”

“To the Mugabe family, we extend our heartfelt condolences.”

“To our friends in ZANU-PF be comforted that you have lost a leader whose service to his country will forever be inscribed. We mourn with you the passing of our friend, statesman, leader, revolutionary”, read the statement.

The former Zimbabwe president died on Friday aged 95 after battling ill-health.

He was receiving treatment in Singapore.

Ex-Zimbabwean president Robert Mugabe dies in hospital in Singapore, two years after he was ousted
LIVE: WATCH | Zimbabweans react to death of Mugabe

Post published in: Featured