Federal Judge Fully Prepared To Rip Betsy DeVos A New One For Disobeying Order On Student Loans

Betsy DeVos (Photo by Chip Somodevilla/Getty Images)

At best it is gross negligence, at worst it’s an intentional flouting of my order. I’m not sure if this is contempt or sanctions. I’m not sending anyone to jail yet but it’s good to know I have that ability.

— Judge Sallie Kim, in comments made to attorneys from the Department of Education during a hearing, where she expressed astonishment that Education Secretary Betsy DeVos had continued to collect on former students’ loans from the now-defunct for-profit Corinthian Colleges Inc., even seizing their tax refunds and wages, despite a June 2018 order forbidding further collection on loans that should have been forgiven. “There have to be consequences for violation of my order sixteen thousand times,” Kim said.


Staci ZaretskyStaci Zaretsky is a senior editor at Above the Law, where she’s worked since 2011. She’d love to hear from you, so please feel free to email her with any tips, questions, comments, or critiques. You can follow her on Twitter or connect with her on LinkedIn.

The LSAT Will Never Be The Same — See Also

Calling All Legal Ops Leaders: The 2019 LDO Survey Is Live

Calling All Legal Ops Leaders: The 2019 LDO Survey Is Live

If you are your organization’s operations head, please participate in this year’s survey and receive exclusive access to the complete results, an unparalleled resource of insight into KPIs and reporting, eDiscovery best practices, legal spend, law department management strategy, and more.

If you are your organization’s operations head, please participate in this year’s survey and receive exclusive access to the complete results, an unparalleled resource of insight into KPIs and reporting, eDiscovery best practices, legal spend, law department management strategy, and more.

Lawyers On TV

Joe and Kathryn have a spontaneous chat about lawyers on television. From game shows to reality competitions, lawyers were all over the place last week. In a sense though, aren’t these shows metaphors for the legal profession? No, they’re probably not — but that’s not going to stop us from trying to explain how they might be.

Robinhood Now Daring Goldman Sachs Not To Acquire It

DJ D-Sol should ask Charles Schwab about the wisdom of ignoring the kamikaze trading platform for Millennials.

The Taylorism Of Legal Academia

(Image via Getty)

The legal academy is on a precipice.  As people seek to figure out exactly the mystery of what academics do, they want to come up with more metrics to determine which academics are good, and which academics are not.  It’s like if Santa Claus were a management consultant with a basic understanding of stats.

To some degree, academia has endured measurement in terms of student evaluations.  The good professors are the ones with good evaluations, and the bad ones are the ones who lack them.  It’s only recently that people have discovered that which many have known for decades: Student evaluations are rigged, and you can pretty much guess the direction of the biases.  Despite that, we still use them, apparently because measuring something poorly is way better than not measuring it at all.

Now, professors and university administrators are becoming more focused on measuring the impact of scholars.  The term “scholarly impact” describes the complicated system of measuring whose work makes a difference, at least according to whatever metrics are used.  In the old days, it was SSRN.  Now, with U.S. News teaming with Heinonline, a new king of the metric is in town.  And you’d be kidding yourself if you think it won’t be used to target some untenured professors and chide some tenured professors who think scholarly impact might be measured in a more meaningful way (or not at all).  My coauthor and I have said our peace about these measures of “quality” here.

But universities are starting to measure faculty productivity.  The alleged goal is quality, but I’m thinking the real goal is to produce “more stuff.”

The notion that we ought to measure output isn’t at all new.  A common theme in the labor history of America is that firms attempt to increase worker productivity to make more profits, all the while competition assures that wages remain stagnant.  The notion that we ought to maximize our scholarly impact isn’t new either.  Economists might term that efficiency (or engineers might call it a constrained optimization problem).

The notion of efficiency, however, has always been skewed.  In manufacturing, management would attempt to control production using technology.  As one article describes, “In the hands of Taylorist managers and designed to be of use to them, new technology often became the prime means of controlling production After determining the one best way to do a job, managers searched for even greater production efficiencies in the form of new technology, which was developed and sold to their respective firms by others.”  The article describes the process of using MOOCs (massive open online clusterf*cks) as Taylorism, but I think that the quest to assure there is some uniform metric of scholarly output serves the same purposes.

Universities seem keen to measure the worth of faculty endeavors using quantity as the goal.  Some of these may not even be related to the metrics used by the university to determine tenure.  So, faculty members must a) please their administrators by meeting those output metrics, b) please their school and perhaps their own egos by playing the scholarly impact “quality” metrics game, and c) also play a legitimate role in making the world a better place if they so choose.  I’m not saying that these are all mutually exclusive, but the purposes of pushing out more stuff and getting a good impact score are not necessarily the same as making the world a better place, which was the ultimate goal of university education.

In many of the university metrics I’ve encountered across the lands, the university goals are about attempting to increase “stuff” and collect a not insubstantial amount of data about the rate of change in the promulgation of that stuff.   The quest to increase production is a story often heard in industrialization, and it usually leads to automation, deskilling, and sometimes the eventual ruin of the industry.  But hey, maybe this time it will be different?  Usually the goals are described in terms of pursuing excellence or some other qualitative goal, as measured solely through the quantity of stuff.  In short, we can be assured of our quality because we produce a lot of stuff.

But the quantity of “stuff” university administrators seem to want doesn’t necessarily mesh with their other desires.  Please be on this committee.  Please join us for this fundraising event.  Please engage in a lot of service. We know how this game plays out, because we know who does the disproportionate share of the service.  We know who gets sought after for that service.  And thus we know who will be playing the “measuring stuff” game with their legs tied down with service weights.

And the other cost to this “measuring stuff” is academic freedom.  For example, suppose my research is legal archaeology.  That takes time and effort, perhaps to a greater degree than other methods.  Thus, I might publish less.  The university metrics suggests I’m less productive than my colleagues.  Cool cool.  (Note: Before I get emails, I don’t actually work in the legal archaeology realm.)

Making the world a better place might mean spending more time working with students, or writing something not counted in the “stuff” measure that targets the general population.  In short, I fear that instead of focusing on making the world a better place, measuring “stuff” will lead to a more conformist academy (if that’s possible) and one whose direction has been handed over to university administrators and external data miners.

In other words, the notion that the same systems that were deployed to assure that I can buy a cheap TV that breaks more frequently too will somehow lead to improved quality in higher education is a pipe dream.  And I, for one, won’t be playing this rigged game.

LawProfBlawg is an anonymous professor at a top 100 law school. You can see more of his musings here. He is way funnier on social media, he claims. Please follow him on Twitter (@lawprofblawg) or Facebook. Email him at lawprofblawg@gmail.com.

Shiseido to Acquire Drunk Elephant in $845 Million Deal

The brand’s founder, Tiffany Masterson, will remain on board and promises consumers a seamless transition to the Japanese beauty conglomerate.

The SEC Joins The Cutting-Edge eDiscovery World

Government lawyers are generally assumed to be several generations behind the curve when it comes to technology. The federal court system is even out here claiming they have to keep PACER in the dark ages despite that claim being routinely debunked, docketing is a jurisdiction by jurisdiction mess, and somehow WordPerfect is still in business. But the SEC is stepping up its tech game with a new eDiscovery system.

In a press release issued this morning, Casepoint announced that the SEC has selected a specially designed version of the product called Casepoint Government for its eDiscovery needs.

“We are honored that the SEC has selected Casepoint Government as its technology of choice for this important program to bring its eDiscovery process to the cloud,” said Amy Hilbert, VP of Public Sector at Casepoint. “We understand the magnitude of the demands on the SEC. Our technology has been carefully built over many years to meet or exceed the agency’s needs through our scalable platform, artificial intelligence, and advanced analytics.”

Getting a large-scale eDiscovery system was imperative for the SEC who receives approximately 3,500 new productions, totaling nearly 10 terabytes after processing, each month. Casepoint’s system won out over multiple competitors in a multi-stage selection process based on its “software features and functionality, cybersecurity, management and key personnel, past performance, and a competitive proof of concept process.” With Casepoint on board, the SEC will have a powerful tool to sift through the mounds of data it’s receiving.


HeadshotJoe Patrice is a senior editor at Above the Law and co-host of Thinking Like A Lawyer. Feel free to email any tips, questions, or comments. Follow him on Twitter if you’re interested in law, politics, and a healthy dose of college sports news. Joe also serves as a Managing Director at RPN Executive Search.

John Dowd Writes Letter In Comic Sans Because He’s Through Pretending He’s Not A Clown

When John Dowd represented Donald Trump in the Mueller investigation and loudly discussed the case in restaurants in front of journalists, folks were all too willing to write it off as an uncharacteristic flub from an otherwise competent attorney. When Dowd tried to explain that presidents can’t obstruct justice, people wrote it off as a zealous advocate saying whatever he needed to to help his client — except, of course, his counterpart on Trump’s defense team who thought it was nuts. But now we can finally, finally go ahead and admit that John Dowd may just be a clown.

Dowd, who now represents some of Rudy Giuliani’s toadies in the Ukraine story, informed the House Intelligence Committee that his clients would not be showing up to testify. It’s a pretty standard move for an attorney representing people this deeply embroiled in what could well turn out to be criminal activity. Indeed, it’s generally a bad idea to talk to Congress if you have any concerns that you might end up dealing with prosecutors. But how Dowd chose to communicate with the House was… curious. Observe!



Yes, that’s Comic Sans. And you never want to use Comic Sans. Seriously, no matter what.

Yet this isn’t even Dowd’s first brush with Comic Sans. During the Mueller investigation, Dowd sent a letter with a Comic Sans letterhead begging to spare Trump the obstruction charge that Mueller would eventually admit he’d have leveled had he been allowed to. Mueller got another message in Comic Sans from Ty Cobb, probably the result of the high-stakes restaurant strategy session the two had.

Is this intentional? Is Dowd trying to troll the entities investigating his clients by intentionally writing them in joke lettering? It’s an interesting conspiracy theory, but one that seems to give Dowd far more credit than he’s built up over the course of these investigations. Occam’s razor suggests he’s just embracing his inner child. It may not be the most professional — or even a marginally professional — look, but if it sparks joy for him, so be it.

After all, Jay Sekulow’s legal reasoning may as well be written in Wingdings, so let’s cut Dowd some slack.

Trump’s old lawyers really, really love Comic Sans [Fast Company]

Earlier: What Font Should You Use For Your Résumé? Apparently This Matters To People.
Comic Sans: The Perfect Font For A Subpoena… If You’re As Dumb As This Clerk


HeadshotJoe Patrice is a senior editor at Above the Law and co-host of Thinking Like A Lawyer. Feel free to email any tips, questions, or comments. Follow him on Twitter if you’re interested in law, politics, and a healthy dose of college sports news. Joe also serves as a Managing Director at RPN Executive Search.

Gordon Sondland Is A Case Study In Trump’s Obstruction Of Congress

Adam Schiff (Photo by Win McNamee/Getty Images)

We talk a lot about how “weak” the Congressional subpoena power is, but we have to remember why the power is so weak. The abuse of executive power required to make a Congressional subpoena “weak” is so massive, and we’ve gotten so used to President Donald Trump’s abuse of his office, that we really need to take a step back to see how violative Trump is behaving towards American norms and practices. Today’s non-testimony of Gordon Sondland is as good a case study as any.

Gordon Sondland was asked, not subpoenaed, to appear before Congress as part of its ongoing investigation into Trump’s apparent and admitted to extortion of the Ukraine in exchange for help with the 2020 election. Sondland, as the U.S. Ambassador to the European Union, reports to the Secretary of State, Mike Pompeo, who reports to the President of the United States, Donald Trump. But Sondland, Pompeo, and Trump all work for the people of the United States (technically) of which the House of Representatives are their most direct representatives.

Put another way, the people asked one of their employees to appear before their representatives to answer for how the people’s business is being conducted abroad, and that employee told the people to go f**k themselves. More than that, he claims that he was ordered to tell the people to go f**k themselves by the President of the United States.

That’s simply insane. You shouldn’t need a subpoena to compel an employee to explain themselves. That we even get into the realm of subpoenas represents a direct obstruction of a Congressional inquiry by the president. In a normally functioning democracy, that would be a fireable offense on the part of the president.

The House responded by issuing a subpoena for Sondland’s testimony. Most likely, Trump will order Sondland to ignore the subpoena as well.

Which brings another actor into our game: Attorney General William Barr. Barr, again, reports to President Trump, but is technically employed by the American people. His job, as the chief law enforcement officer in the country, is supposed to be to enforce the laws of the United States government. A Congressional subpoena is one such law, and the attorney general is supposed to take all steps to ensure compliance, including jailing people who refuse to testify under a duly executed subpoena, if need be.

Does anyone think Barr will do that? Of course not. Because Barr has shown himself to be a craven accessory to President Trump’s apparent crimes, not an independent actor with his own responsibility to the Constitution. It is likely that Barr will aide Sondland’s attempts to avoid congressional testimony, all at the behest of Donald Trump.

Barr, of course, should not even be in a position where he is making any decisions regarding any enforcement of this investigation, because he himself is implicated as one of the major accomplices or witnesses to Trump’s abuse of power. Asking him to help force Sondland to testify might be like asking a drug kingpin to force his connect to testify against him.

Again, in a normally functioning democracy, this would be unacceptable. Barr would be forced to recuse, a deputy would urge Sondland to comply, over the will of the president if necessary, and men would be dangling handcuffs in front of Sondland while he made his decision. The fact that none of that is going to happen should enrage people, regardless of party. But there is no more “regardless of party” in this country. Republican party apparatchiks have successfully convinced Republican voters that there is no more important identity than being white and Republican. Nothing can be allowed to threaten that, not even crimes committed by the president in plain sight.

It is in this context: where the employee of the American people fails to voluntarily comply with the law, where the secretary of state and the attorney general fail to uphold the Constitution, all in service of a criminal president who is supported by the spineless prevarications of his wholly owned political party, is where the Congressional subpoena power appears “weak.” If you put it on a solid booster rocket, the Space Shuttle can aid humanity’s exploration and understanding of the cosmos. On its own, it’s just a shell of fragile plastic. It can’t even fly.

Every president and executive branch officer going forward now gets to know that Congress can simply be ignored if the people they represent are too docile and distracted to take action. This will not end well for the American system of government.


Elie Mystal is the Executive Editor of Above the Law and a contributor at The Nation. He can be reached @ElieNYC on Twitter, or at elie@abovethelaw.com. He will resist.