Wheels coming off – Zimbabwe Vigil Diary – The Zimbabwean

They are said to have deployed large numbers of intelligence officers in civilian clothes around the country. They are also said to fear mutiny by disgruntled soldiers (see: https://www.theindependent.co.zw/2020/02/07/panicky-army-chiefs-deploy-special-forces/).

While there is widespread hunger as food prices rise and the Zimbabwe dollar withers, vegetables in urban markets are rotting because people can’t afford to buy them (see: https://reliefweb.int/report/zimbabwe/vegetables-rot-food-markets-across-zimbabwe-while-half-population-faces-food).

Women are bearing the main share of the burden. A survey by Transparency International Zimbabwe said more than 57% of women had been forced to offer sexual favours in exchange for jobs, medical care and even seeking placements at schools for their children. The organisation said in its report: ‘sex is a currency in many corrupt deals in Zimbabwe’. (see: https://www.theguardian.com/global-development/2020/feb/08/more-than-half-of-women-in-zimbabwe-have-faced-sextortion-finds-survey).

Discord within the ruling party is further destabilizing the country. Three Zanu PF youth leaders have been suspended by the Politburo after calling a news conference to accuse some of Mnangagwa’s close allies of corruption. Secretary for Youth Affairs Pupurai Togarepi was stripped of his position and Youth Political Commissar Godfrey Tsenengamu and Deputy Secretary for Youth Affairs Lewis Matutu were demoted and ordered to go for ‘political orientation’ at the Herbert Chitepo School of Ideology.

President Mnangagwa was particularly critical of Togarepi because, he said, he had appointed him to his post even though he was not qualified being 56 years old. For his part, Matutu said afterwards that he would continue fighting corruption. He declared that he would ‘rather die for something than live for nothing’ and added that 2020 would be the beginning of a decade of action by youths.

Tsenengamu said he would not attend the six-month course at the Ideology school. Those who had ordered it should be the ones going there. ‘I do not care what will happen next. I am part of society, live in society and know what corruption is doing to the livelihoods of ordinary people.’

The youth leaders accused three controversial business tycoons, Kuda Tagwirei, Billy Rautenbach (the Green Fuels boss) and Tafadzwa Musarara (Chair of the Grain Millers’ Association) of corruptly grabbing all government tenders.

Matutu said “Let me talk about Tagwirei. I really want to know why he is the one who supplies everything to government — fuel. If we go to Command Agriculture, it’s him at the helm. There was an attempt to investigate him, but he evaded. He has tentacles everywhere, including the money on the black market, he controls that.’ (See: https://www.newsday.co.zw/2020/02/zanu-pf-youths-finger-ed-allies/ and https://zwnews.com/unfazed-matutu-says-fight-continues-declares-decade-of-action-as-zanu-pf-implodes/).

Other points

  • Many starving people must be amazed by the Zanu PF-connected businessman Genius Ginimbi’s court battles as he faces a new charge of fraud in connection with importing another Bentley. He recently shared on his Instagram account a video of himself buying a 2-seater Ferrari 488 Spider for US$350,000 to join his collection of super cars at his mansion in Dombashawa which includes 2 Rolls-Royces and 3 Bentleys among many other top range cars (see: https://www.newsday.co.zw/2020/02/socialite-ginimbi-arrested-for-fraud/).
  • The Zimbabwe government is to waste US$4.5million on sending tame members of the government-appointed Political Actors’ Dialogue (POLAD) on foreign trips to promote government policiies, POLAD has been boycotted by MDC leader Chamisa (see: http://www.newsdzezimbabwe.co.uk/2020/02/polad-foreign-trips-to-gobble-us45m.html).
  • Zimbabweans who have complacently regarded themselves as somehow better than Malawians may have to rethink following the Malawian court ruling that their country’s election last year was rigged – a shock to the system in Zimbabwe where this would be impossible because our rigging is so superior.
  • Thanks to those who came early to help set up the front table and put up the banners: Daizy Fabian, Deborah Harry, Jonathan Kariwo, Netsayi Makarichi, Chido Makawa, Rosemary Maponga, Benjamin Molife, Esther Munyira, Molly Ngavaimbe, Tsitsi Nyirongo, Qiniso Sibanda, Bigboy Sibanda, Ephraim Tapa, Kevin Wheeldon and Nattalie Zvoma. Thanks to Rosemary for looking after the front table, to Chido, Benjamin, Tsitsi, Bigboy, Kevin and Nattalie for handing out flyers, to Chido for drumming, to Deborah, Chido and Jonathan for photos, to Molly for the opening prayer, to Tsitsi for donating a rattle and to Rosemary for bringing tea, coffee and cakes.
  • Thanks to those who have contributed to the ROHR’s Valentine fundraising dinner: Pamela Chirimuta, Ragarirai Chivaviro, Simbarashe Jingo, Netsayi Makarichi, Chido Makawa, Garikai Mananje, Benjamin Molife, Washington Mugari, Margaret Munenge, Molly Ngavaimbe and Ephraim Tapa. Thanks also to Happy Chazuza for his contribution to the ROHR Mtoko irrigation project
  • For latest Vigil pictures check: http://www.flickr.com/photos/zimb88abwevigil/. Please note: Vigil photos can only be downloaded from our Flickr website.

FOR THE RECORD: ­­­18 signed the register.

 

EVENTS AND NOTICES:

  • ROHR Valentine’s fundraising dinner dance. Saturday 15th February from 6 pm till late. Venue: 38 Marcon Place, London E8 1LP. The event is in aid of women living with HIV/AIDS in rural Zimbabwe. Tickets £30. Contact: Esther Munyira 07492058107, Molly Ngavaimbe 07415443973, Patricia Masamba 07708116625 and Margaret Munenge 07384300283.
  • ROHR general members’ meeting. Saturday 14th March from 11.30 am. Venue: Royal Festival Hall, South Bank Centre, Belvedere Road SE1 8XX. Contact: Ephraim Tapa 07940793090, Patricia Masamba 07708116625, Esther Munyira 07492058107.
  • The Restoration of Human Rights in Zimbabwe (ROHR) is the Vigil’s partner organization based in Zimbabwe. ROHR grew out of the need for the Vigil to have an organization on the ground in Zimbabwe which reflected the Vigil’s mission statement in a practical way. ROHR in the UK actively fundraises through membership subscriptions, events, sales etc to support the activities of ROHR in Zimbabwe. Please note that the official website of ROHR Zimbabwe is http://www.rohrzimbabwe.org/. Any other website claiming to be the official website of ROHR in no way represents us.
  • World Day of Prayer for Zimbabwe. Friday 6th March. This year the focus is on Zimbabwe and the service has been prepared by Christian women in Zimbabwe. The theme is ‘Rise! Take you mat and walk’. Christians all round the world will be praying for Zimbabwe. Try to get your own church involved. For more information check: https://www.wwdp.org.uk/.
  • Living on the Edge. Tuesday 10th March from 7 – 9 pm (doors open at 6 pm). Venue: Royal Geographical Society, 1 Kensington Gore, London SW7 2AR. The event is organised by the Mike Campbell Foundation. Among the speakers are Chief Felix Ndiweni and Beatrice Mtetwa. For full details: https://media.wix.com/ugd/02876c_5b68a136280c42ebbf39f8ebbb722299.pdf.
  • The Vigil’s book ‘Zimbabwe Emergency’ is based on our weekly diaries. It records how events in Zimbabwe have unfolded as seen by the diaspora in the UK. It chronicles the economic disintegration, violence, growing oppression and political manoeuvring – and the tragic human cost involved. It is available at the Vigil. All proceeds go to the Vigil and our sister organisation the Restoration of Human Rights in Zimbabwe’s work in Zimbabwe. The book is also available from Amazon.
  • Facebook pages:
    Vigil: https://www.facebook.com/zimbabwevigil
    ROHR: https://www.facebook.com/Restoration-of-Human-Rights-ROHR-Zimbabwe-International-370825706588551/
    ZAF: https://www.facebook.com/pages/Zimbabwe-Action-Forum-ZAF/490257051027515

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In Cash-Strapped Zimbabwe, Convenience of Mobile Money Comes at a Steep Cost – The Zimbabwean

Rutendo Garwe looks at her phone as she calculates how much money she has in her mobile-money account. Garwe is one of many Zimbabweans who rely on mobile-money agents to turn their digital funds into cash. Gamuchirai Masiyiwa, GPJ Zimbabwe

Garwe has her funds in “mobile money,” a cellphone-based savings account that uses Zimbabwean dollars (ZWL) as a digital currency – a convenient way for Zimbabweans to make financial transactions without banks.

But while mobile money can be convenient in a cash-strapped society, turning it into physical funds is difficult: Garwe and other Zimbabweans must use agents who charge commissions as high as 40% for each transaction.

To take the bus, which doesn’t accept mobile money, Garwe must pay an agent a 30% commission to buy – or “cash out” – her coins.

Zimbabwe has experienced cash shortages since 2016, when hard currency became increasingly difficult to find. Mobile-money platforms and their agents provide a service by converting digital money into cash, which is sought after because Zimbabweans can purchase some goods and services more cheaply or only with hard currency. Even banks cannot disburse cash, as they have also been affected by shortages.

Officially, agents can only charge an approved commission, which can start as low as 1.6% and should rise to no more than 15%, depending on the transaction amount. In reality, they charge customers as much as 40% to buy cash.

Garwe must withdraw 100 ZWL ($5.99) a week for transportation, but only about two-thirds goes to the bus fare; the mobile-money agent gets the rest.

She relies on mobile-money agents throughout her day. Garwe, a mother of four, buys groceries on the black market because goods cost less than at formal grocery stores. She must make those purchases in cash, forcing her to use agents who charge a hefty commission.

“I have no choice,” Garwe says. “I lose almost half of my salary by buying cash from mobile-money agents.”

Cellphone companies introduced mobile money to Zimbabwe in 2011 to provide financial services to people without access to banks, especially in rural areas. Zimbabwe has 12.7 million active mobile subscriptions, according to a 2018 report compiled by the Postal and Telecommunications Regulatory Authority of Zimbabwe.

Mobile-money agents facilitate transactions in the financial sector without the need for a bank account and allow people to make payments over long distances. Agents face few barriers to the industry, but they are not paid a salary – only compensated through commissions.

Their high rates have not gone unnoticed by authorities. The Reserve Bank of Zimbabwe announced a ban in September on all cash transactions that use mobile platforms, an attempt to curb the buying and selling of hard currency at a rate beyond approved charges.

It lasted two days. A court overruled the directive following a lawsuit from Cassava Smartech Zimbabwe Limited, owner of a major mobile-money platform in Zimbabwe known as EcoCash. The platform boasts 10.5 million accounts and 51,000 mobile-money agents across the country.

Econet Wireless Zimbabwe, the parent company of Cassava Smartech, declined to comment.

Before the Reserve Bank’s attempted ban on cash transactions, the company said it did not permit unauthorized commissions and had suspended over 4,000 agents who were charging premiums beyond the approved rates. It also urged the public to report any agent who overcharged.

EcoCash agents blame the cash shortage and staggering inflation. They argue the company no longer supplies them with hard currency. The commissions are necessary, they say, to cover the high cost of acquiring cash.

“We used to get cash from EcoCash as a float, and we could also go to the bank,” says EcoCash agent Itai Khumalo. “But now they no longer give it to us, and we have to find the cash on our own.”

Agents once relied on commissions from EcoCash, he said, but that has dropped to about 1,800 ZWL ($107) a month due to the country’s unstable currency. He makes 500 ZWL ($30) per day through cash transactions.

Some consider mobile money more the problem than the solution. Eminasi Mutenge, who operates a grocery shop downtown, feared the initial cash transaction ban would affect her business.

“I only do cash sales, because that’s the only way I can manage to buy foreign currency at a lower rate and restock my shop,” Mutenge says. “I tend to bargain more if I have cash than when I have mobile money.”

Mobile-money has bolstered financial inclusion by helping people in the informal economy – where most activity takes place – make transactions. But the mobile-money ban and its reversal have created instability and confused the public, says Prosper Chitambara, an economist with the Labour and Economic Development Research Institute of Zimbabwe. This, along with inflation, has encouraged people to spend more and save less.

“The issue is a structural problem, which needs structural change in the economy,” Chitambara says. “People are still paying high premiums to get access to cash because the real issue has not been solved.”

This leaves customers caught between the convenience of quick cash and the frustration of bleeding money. Mobile-money users like Garwe are starting to demand accountability. The solution, as she sees it, is simple.

“EcoCash needs to monitor their agents and the government has to also do some monitoring,” Garwe says. “They need to make sure banks have enough money to ensure people can access cash.”

Zimbabwe Rural Schools Library Trust in Bibliotherapy Therapy project for Cyclone Idai Survivors – The Zimbabwean

The Zimbabwe Rural Schools Library Trust New Zealand will officially launch its Bibliotherapy Project targeting Zimbabwean child survivors of Cyclone Idai at its annual fun run/walk to be held in Hamilton on 7 March 2020. The Mayor of Hamilton Paula Southgate, Member of Parliament for Hamilton East David Bennett and Hamilton City Councillor Sarah Thomson have confirmed their participation. Apologies have been received from Councillor Maxine van Oosten and Anglican Action Chief Executive Officer Karen Morrison-Hume who are other commitments on the day.

Bibliotherapy is healing through reading books or listening to books being read. Evidence is abound that books provide the opportunity for escape and can be strong coping mechanisms in dealing with Post-traumatic stress disorders.

Cyclone Idai hit Southern Africa in March 2019 causing widespread destruction in Mozambique, Zimbabwe and Malawi. According to UNICEF, in Zimbabwe, more than 130,000 children are estimated to be affected. Support has been provided by many local and international organisations in the form of food, shelter, but many survivors still suffer post-traumatic stress disorders. The Zimbabwe Rural Schools Library believes books will help heal post-traumatic stress disorders in child survivors of school going age, hence the Bibliotherapy initiative.

The March 7 fun run is the sixth for the Zimbabwe Rural Schools Library Trust New Zealand. It was initiated by in 2015 by twin sisters Shefali and Shivani Sinha and has raised money which has been used to buy new books in Zimbabwe and ship books collected from New Zealand to Zimbabwe. Over 100 schools have benefited from the efforts of the Zimbabwe Rural Schools Library Trust.

A registration fee NZ$10.00 for adults and NZ$5 for children of school going age. Registration can be done through the Trust’s Bank Account number  03-1355-0850295-00, through the Trust’s EverydayHero account accessed on the link  https://donate.everydayhero.com/d/8L6Y_2xrWE2X43DBiTomwA/amount or in cash at the venue on 7 March 2020. Donations welcome.

Contact Tariro Kamutingondo on 00 64 22 674 0264 or Patience Ngara on 00 64 20 4020 7503 for further details.

Post published in: Featured

Constitution of Zimbabwe amendment (NO. 2) bill – The Zimbabwean

The Zimbabwe NGO Forum (the Forum), notes with concern ongoing attempts by the government of Zimbabwe to amend the Constitution following the recent gazetting by the Clerk of Parliament of the of Constitution of Zimbabwe Amendment (No.2) Bill (the Bill), initially on 31 December 2019 and then on 17 January 2020, presumably to correct procedural anomalies in the original gazetting. If the Bill was to pass through, the government would have amended the Constitution twice within a period of just over six years. This move is retrogressive and erodes the tenets of democracy.

The Forum notes with concern that despite the significance of the changes being sought through the Amendment Bill, there have not been any attempts by the government to explain why it is necessary to tinker with the Constitution, which is the supreme law of the land in the manner proposed or at all. This goes to the core of constitutionalism and rule of law, considering the amendments are being sought against the background of non-compliance with the Constitution by the government, evidenced by the unduly prolonged constitutional alignment process and non-implementation of some of the provisions of the Constitution. Some of the provisions being amended have not even seen the light of the day. The people of Zimbabwe have not been given the opportunity to experience fully the Constitution which the citizens adopted through a decisive referendum in 2013. This move by the government disregards the wishes and aspiration of the people of Zimbabwe. Parliamentarians and the executive must hold sacrosanct the will of the people and not undermine it.

The proposed amendments follow the first amendment to the 2013 Constitution which came into effect on 7 September 2017, giving the President powers to unilaterally appoint the Chief Justice, Deputy Chief Justice and Judge President of the High Court. The omnibus bill proposes sweeping changes to allow the President to unilaterally appoint and remove the Vice President(s) outside a popular mandate; giving the President more powers in the appointment and extension of tenure of judges of superior courts; extending the women’s quarter system and creating additional 10 seats for the youths;  limiting the powers of the Zimbabwe Human Rights Commission by placing some of its functions in the hands of a Public Protector appointed solely by the President; cutting on Parliamentary oversight over agreements entered into by the executive with foreign organizations and companies; extending Presidential powers in the appointment and removal of the Prosecutor-General, and extending executive representation by unelected officials in Cabinet, among others.

The running theme in the proposed amendments is cutting back on checks and balances and separation of powers. This undermines the foundational tenets of democracy as power is concentrated in a medieval monarch-type of the executive head of State and government with extended powers to hire and fire constitutional officers and make far-reaching decisions with limited oversight. The nature of the amendments violates established international norms, accepted into our constitutional order by the Constitution. The proposed amendments take Zimbabwe back to the Lancaster House Constitution, whose extensive executive powers and attenuated oversight mechanisms were overwhelmingly rejected by Zimbabweans on 16 March 2013, as they elected unto themselves a more democratic and progressive Constitution more in tune with their wishes and aspirations.

Amendments ostensibly proposed to further equal representation by extending the women’s parliamentary quota and introducing a youth quota, mask reality and have unintended consequences of achieving the opposite. Global trends make clear that driving women and youth representation in key decision-making organs of State by means of quota allocation undermine real gender and youth empowerment, and amounts to treating symptoms instead of the problems. Real transformation is achieved when more women and youth access the top echelons of power through efforts made to ensure level competing for turf for women and youth. In any event, the Constitution mandates as 50/50 gender representation. It is also a fact that under the current 9th Session of Parliament, elected Parliamentary representation of women dropped relative to the 8th Session. Extending the women’s quota is a way to mask these real trends. Likewise, the token creation of 10 youth quota seats in Parliament inadvertently displays the skewed demographic representation in Parliament in a country in which youth constitute the majority of the adult population, undermining actual work needed to ensure effective, meaningful and demographically-proportionate youth representation in Parliament.

The gazzetted Bill wholesomely undermines constitutionalism, separation of powers, and checks and balances on the executive powers of the President. As such, the Forum, as a principled collective vested in fostering a culture of rule of law, human rights and respect to constitutionalism, takes a firm position against attempts to re-arrange the constitutional order in an undemocratic and unprincipled manner that is devoid of consultation which should be pivotal considering that it was citizens who voted for the constitution. The Forum questions the basis and influences of the amendments. There were no public consultations in any form on whether the proposed amendments are needed. The Bill in its entirety is unnecessary, and there is no reason of functionality or substantive dissonance with the constitutional order articulated to justify the amendments. Even if there was a “mischief” to be corrected, resorting to mutilating the supreme law is reserved as the last resort.

Zimbabwe’s nearly seven-year-old Constitution was adopted through a nation-wide referendum that was supported by over 95% of the voters – making it a product of an almost unanimous vote. Through the COPAC process, the country made significant investment into redefining its social contract to take it into its future. Barely a decade, those entrusted with the mandate to lead the operationalization of that social contract and charter the country into its future, are leading a process of dismantling and decimating that social contract for no apparent reason of progress and national advancement. A government that cuts back on a social contract to which it fully participated in its making, unmasks insincerity on its part. The executive is seeking to reverse the democratic virtues encoded in the supreme law, and for the second time in a short space of time, is seeking to cut back on democratic tenets and re-arrange the democratic order. While the Constitution does allow for amendment, it is the Forum’s position that any such amendments have to be reasonable, necessary and advance respect for rule of law and the founding values as captured in section 3 of the Constitution. Amending the Constitution for partisan and self-propelling political ends is a history whose undemocratic dividends Zimbabweans know all too well.

After 90 days from gazetting, the Bill will be eligible for introduction in Parliament. In terms of section 328(4) of the Constitution, immediately after the Speaker has given notice of a Constitutional Bill in the Gazette, Parliament must invite members of the public to express their views on the proposed Bill in public meetings and through written submissions, and must convene meetings and provide facilities to enable the public to do so. Citizens are duty-bound to take a firm stand against unprincipled constitutional mutilation and democratic retrogression. The Forum has no doubt that citizens will be emphatic in registering their displeasure over the amendments, and will defend the Constitution against amendments from which they derive no gain. In the same vein, Members of Parliament, who swore to uphold the Constitution and its values on assumption of duty, are duty-bound to work for democratic consolidation.

To that end, the Forum calls upon:

  •  All responsible and people-centred Parliamentarians to take a stand against the Bill. The Constitution is not only the supreme law of the land but an embodiment of the aspirations of the people and an expression of the social contract.

  • The government of Zimbabwe to withdraw the Bill and refocus its energies on popularizing the Constitution and meeting its obligations to fully implement it, including substantive alignment of the legislation that is still at odds with the supreme law.

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More than half of women in Zimbabwe have faced sextortion, finds survey – The Zimbabwean

Zimbabwe loses close to $2bn (£1.5bn) to corruption annually, contributing to financial instability, according to Transparency International. Photograph: Bloomberg

Zimbabwe has recorded an unprecedented number of women reporting being forced to exchange sex for employment or business favours.

More than 57% of women surveyed by Transparency International Zimbabwe (TIZ) said they had been forced to offer sexual favours in exchange for jobs, medical care and even when seeking placements at schools for their children.

The report, seen by the Guardian, found women in the informal sector experienced sextortion as the main form of non-monetary bribes by various officials.

About 45% of women said they had received requests for sexual favours to access a service and 15% had used sex to get employment. The report, entitled Gender and Corruption, found women were increasingly vulnerable to sexual abuse amid the deteriorating Zimbabwean economy.

“57.5% of these respondents noted that sexual favours are the form of non-monetary bribe they had experienced. Sextortion is thus a part of the bribery culture in Zimbabwe. Women who do not have money to pay for bribes are thus forced to use sex as a form of payment. 15% used employment favours as a form of bribery,” reads the report.

Women in business were also found to have faced sexual harassment when seeking government tenders.

“At times you get asked for sexual favours in return for tenders or business. What makes the situation difficult, especially for state contracts, is how women in business are perceived by men in control of these processes. When they see a woman, for most of them sex is the first thing that comes to their mind. Hence women are sexualised and seen as sex-preneurs rather than entrepreneurs,” TIZ reports.

Studies carried out by TIZ in 2019 showed women are vulnerable to sexual abuse when seeking land for residential, business or agricultural use.

Sextortion is a global phenomenon that causes serious harm, robbing women of dignity and opportunity, and undermining confidence in public institutions, according to rights groups.

Zimbabwe ranks 158 out of 180 countries included in the Transparency International corruption perceptions index.

“Sex is a currency in many corrupt deals in Zimbabwe. Sexual harassment is institutionalised, and women have been suffering for a long time. There is need to actively deal with all forms of sexual harassment in all sectors,” says the report.

The study shows women are being coerced into corruption, while many fear reporting sextortionists as some police are thought to be part of the corruption chain.

“For some respondents it was fear of reprisal that stopped them from reporting whilst others indicated that there was no reward for reporting corruption. Regarding sextortion, respondents cited the justice system as too masculine, hence they opted not to report.

“All the key informants who took part in the research indicated that Zimbabwe lacks a robust corruption reporting system. They also highlighted the need for a system to promote and protect whistleblowers,” TIZ reported.

“Even the police officers require some form of payment to help you. They may ask for transport or fuel to enable them to investigate. In the end they also get bribed by the perpetrators.”

Globally, the poor suffer most from extortion, paying the highest percentage of their income in bribes, according to the World Bank. Zimbabwe loses close to $2bn (£1.5bn) to corruption annually.

Although Zimbabwe has made progress in advancing gender equality through the establishment of various institutional, legal and policy frameworks, the country still ranks low on the UN gender inequality index. Sexual extortion is rarely recognised as a form of corruption, yet gender activists say it reduces women’s access to land and markets and reinforces social and economic marginalisation.

Lack of political will to deal with corruption has frustrated the efforts of the Zimbabwe anti-corruption commission, which has a mandate to investigate corruption cases in the country.

South Korea helps WFP provide food assistance to refugees in Zimbabwe – The Zimbabwean

WFP/Tatenda Macheka
The World Food Programme says that more than one-third of the rural population in Zimbabwe will be food insecure by October 2019.

“Refugee populations around the world are one of the most vulnerable,” said Eddie Rowe, WFP Zimbabwe Country Representative & Director.

“At a time when Zimbabwe and Southern Africa is faced with massive humanitarian needs because of drought and economic woes, this already at-risk community is struggling even more. The support from the people and Government of Korea will make a great difference in the lives of the refugee population here.”

Located in Chipinge district, TRC is home to nearly 14,000 refugees from across southern and central Africa. The funds provided by the Republic of Korea will enable WFP – in partnership with the Government of Zimbabwe, UNHCR and Terre des Hommes, a Southern Africa-based NGO – to continue providing much-needed food and nutrition assistance.

Due to their refugee status, TRC residents are unable to seek employment outside the camp, and internal income-generating opportunities are limited. Therefore, most households rely solely on WFP food assistance to survive.

“I hope that this assistance we are recognizing today will help the people in Tongogara Refugee Camp to enhance their well-being.” Ambassador of the Republic of Korea, H.E. Cho Jaichel said. “I also hope the friendship and cooperation between our two countries will continue and strengthen further. Despite the current challenges, I strongly believe that Zimbabwe has a great potential of growth and brighter future. For our Zimbabwean friends, the Korean government is always ready to share our development experience.”

WFP’s support to refugees in Zimbabwe faces ongoing funding shortfalls. The Republic of Korea’s contribution comes in the wake of an urgent plea for funds by WFP, which is working to provide 4.1 million people in Zimbabwe with emergency food assistance amid the country’s current hunger crisis. At present, more than 7.7 million people – or half of Zimbabwe’s population – is food insecure. More than US$200 million is still required for WFP to provide people with life-saving food aid during the peak of this year’s lean season (Jan-April 2020).

The United Nations World Food Programme – saving lives in emergencies and changing lives for millions through sustainable development. WFP works in more than 80 countries around the world, feeding people caught in conflict and disasters, and laying the foundations for a better future.

Post published in: Agriculture

Little Has Changed in Post-Mugabe Zimbabwe – The Zimbabwean

Zimbabwe’s President Emmerson Mnangagwa’s supporters arrive for the ruling ZANU PF party’s annual conference on the outskirts of Harare, Zimbabwe December 13, 2019. REUTERS/Philimon Bulawayo

In a RAND study published this week—based on interviews I conducted in Harare, Zimbabwe, with politicians across the political spectrum—I systematically assess Zimbabwe’s political and economic reform efforts that Mnangagwa has been touting over the past two years. I found very little genuine progress, along with an uptick in repression and a rapidly declining economy that is near collapse.

On the political front, reform promises are severely lagging. The report assesses five main reform areas, including elections, legislation, the security sector, judiciary, and repression. The research revealed very few tangible steps toward reconfiguring Zimbabwe’s autocratic system. Repression has increased and the military is ascendant.

Despite some progress in certain areas, Mnangagwa’s economic reform efforts are either incomplete or falling short across a variety of sectors. A new currency regime has been hit by runaway inflation, corruption continues unabated, land reform is incomplete, the mining sector is increasingly militarized, and the privatization of state assets has been fraught with false starts. Rampant political interference and intraparty splits underlie the country’s stunted progress. As an adviser to Mnangagwa put it: “Politics dictates and distorts economics” in Zimbabwe.

Although Mnangagwa has repeatedly deployed flowery reform rhetoric, his administration’s piecemeal actions belie any movement toward genuine political or economic reform. There is a wide gap between the government’s reform rhetoric and the reality on the ground. The government’s well-rehearsed slogans appear to be largely political theater targeted at the international diplomatic community and potential investors. Even where limited progress has been made, such steps appear to be largely cosmetic. A serving member of parliament characterized Mnangagwa’s political reform efforts as putting “mascara on a frog.”

With the old guard and the military still firmly in power—and both benefiting from their perches atop the highly cartelized-and patronage-based economy—genuine reform is unlikely in the next one to three years under present conditions in Zimbabwe. The country is likely to continue down a path of political polarization, protests, political violence at the hands of the state, and economic deterioration.

Zimbabwe has tremendous potential, with rich natural resources and one of the most educated populations in Africa. How can the United States and international actors help arrest this downward spiral and support Zimbabwe’s recovery? Although Zimbabwe does not have much strategic value to the United States, America is the largest bilateral donor to Zimbabwe and holds some leverage.

Politics and economics are inextricably linked in Zimbabwe and the country will be unable to recover unless the two sectors are addressed in tandem. To help the country recover from years of mismanagement, corruption, and state violence, international actors—including the United States—would be wise to push the government in a coordinated fashion to implement genuine political, economic, and security reforms.

Genuine reforms would go a long way toward putting Zimbabwe on a democratic path, lessening high levels of political polarization, and repairing the collapsing economy. A good starting point would be pushing the government to respect its own constitution, allow for peaceful protest, fully repeal repressive laws, and hold security forces accountable for human rights abuses and the killing of unarmed civilians. International democracy and governance assistance should be increased, with a particular focus on professionalizing political parties. A cooling-off period of one to five years before military officials can join politics would also help to disincentivize more coups and security sector involvement in political processes.

The international community should also proceed with extreme caution on economic support for the government, withholding support for debt relief or any new lending until clear and unambiguous progress has been made on reforms and respect for human rights.

Mnangagwa is attempting to have his cake and eat it too, paying lip service to reforms in the hope of securing international support but staunchly refusing to implement any measures that might harm his and his closest supporters’ political and economic interests.

Post published in: Featured

That’s One Way To Run A Law School — See Also

Cracking Open The Black Box Of Partnership Compensation

A law firm’s compensation model for partners is oftentimes as mysterious as the whereabouts of Jimmy Hoffa. When partners look for new firms, they generally have a shortlist of expectations, such as good culture, strong practices and platforms, stable finances without too much debt, stellar reputations, and last but certainly not least, healthy compensation.

There is a common misconception that the compensation scales linearly with book of business from firm to firm. The reality is, very few firms abide by lockstep models, and PPP does not scale linearly with partner compensation either. As we see, average compensation as a percentage of your book of business decreases as originations increase.

For firms with a formulaic compensation model, there is not much wiggle room to influence your numbers, but you will have a good idea from the start about your take-home cash compensation. For firms with closed compensation systems, like the “black box,” a partner uses peer firms with formulaic models to benchmark what he assumes is market. Some firms are somewhere in the middle, open but subjective or semi-open and semi-formulaic. Most are closed, however.  There is not much consistency, so there is no real market to peg your value unless a you create one for oneself. One of the best ways to do this is to work with a veteran legal recruiter who can negotiate the best deal for you by creating a bidding war for your services. While it sounds easy in practice, the firms that can actually absorb your bill rates, meet your personal preferences, and clear conflicts checks are few and far between.

Although there is much uncertainty about partner compensation, here is a general rule of thumb I have seen firsthand and across the board in most regions. Partner compensation does not scale linearly with book of business. I have worked with groups of over 30 million dollars in business and with junior partners with just over a million in business and the compensation models can be much kinder to those on the lower end of the spectrum. As books of business grow larger, they require more and more support staff and overhead to maintain. The marginal compensation for a partner for each extra million dollars in business decreases almost instantaneously. There is a general efficiency ratio represented by:

A partner can only bill so many hours per year, so they need others to work on the excess work they originate. Even if a partner bills out at $1,000 an hour and bills 2,000 hours, that partner can only service two million dollars. If the partner is responsible for bringing in five million dollars, he will need several associates and support partners to help out.

When the book of business crosses the two million mark (i.e., 2,000 hours at $1,000 an hour), the actual take-home return diverges from the expected return as the single book of business starts to cost the firm more resources. This association is approximate and varies from firm to firm, nonetheless the general trend holds true in all of Biglaw. This does not mean that large books are bad, quite the opposite in fact, but it illustrates that it is important to find a firm that will not depreciate your book too drastically.

The law of diminishing returns is especially important for rainmakers when shopping for a new firm. Some firms reward books of businesses differently at the higher levels, and often times compensation is contingent on the firm’s cost structure and profit margins. Some of the most prestigious firms have low profit margins (i.e., someone in the 25 percent range), and if you have a large book of business, you may be better off going to a firm lower on the Am Law 200 list with a higher profit margin that would compensate you on a larger percentage of your book.

Cash rules when it comes to lateral partner moves, but many partners mistakenly believe that they will be more or less equally compensated at any firm. The most difficult part of partner placements is finding a firm with the right culture, with no conflicts, with a comparable hourly billing, and finally one that will fairly compensate a partner for their book of business.

We meet with every Am Law firm to learn not only about their lateral needs, but compensation structures and their platforms. We have a better sense of the factors, other than the book of business, that the firm will “weigh” for purposes of compensation. In addition, we know when the firm is willing to be opportunistic. The bottom line is that it is our job to maximize your options, and my colleagues and I are happy to help.

Ed. note: This is the latest installment in a series of posts from Lateral Link’s team of expert contributors. Michael Allen is the CEO of Lateral Link. He is based in the Los Angeles office and focuses exclusively on Partner and General Counsel placements for top firms and companies. Prior to founding Lateral Link in 2006, he worked as an attorney at both Gibson, Dunn & Crutcher LLP and Irell & Manella LLP. Michael graduated summa cum laude from the University of California, San Diego before earning his JD, cum laude, from Harvard Law School.


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