Nearly
four
decades
ago,
Ben
Moyo,
who
was
24
years
old
and
a
trainee
teacher
in
Zimbabwe’s
Matabeleland
North
Province,
experienced
a
sad
turn
of
destiny
when
a
deadly
genocide
erupted
in
the
country.
The
genocide
left
Moyo
in
a
wheelchair.
He
was
one
of
the
victims
of
many
roadblocks
mounted
by
marauding
soldiers
that
randomly
killed
villagers
in
Tsholotsho
where
he
worked.
On
that
fateful
day,
he
barely
escaped
death.
The
genocide
came
to
be
known
as
“Gukurahundi,”
and
raged
on
from
1982
onwards.
Elements
within
the
Zimbabwean
army
targeted
the
minority
Ndebele
tribe.
Gukurahundi
is
a
term
drawn
from
the
Shona
language
which
loosely
translates
to
“the
early
rain
which
washes
away
the chaff before
the
spring
rains.”
Moyo,
who
is
a
Ndebele-speaking
native
from
Plumtree,
a
town
on
the
border
between
Zimbabwe
and
Botswana
in
Matabeleland
South
Province,
was
beaten
up
by
the
soldiers
for
failing
to
speak
in
Shona.
The
Shona
people
and
language
dominate
most
parts
of
Zimbabwe.
“I
was
beaten
up
at
a
roadblock
mounted
by
the
soldiers.
I
dislocated
my
spine
and
thereafter
developed
chronic
back
pain.”
Years
later,
he
still
suffers.
“The
trauma
is
not
gone.
Apart
from
the
chronic
pain,
I
remember
my
colleagues
who
were
killed
during
the
genocide,”
Moyo
said.
After
the
Tsholotsho
encounter,
Moyo
moved
to
Kezi,
a
village
in
the
Matobo
district
in
Matabeleland
South
province
where
he
found
a
teaching
position.
This
relocation
did
not
bring
any
reprieve
for
him
as
he
continued
to
witness
more
genocide
horrors.
A
concentration
camp
was
set-up
nearby,
in
Balagwe,
where
many
Ndebele
people
were
rounded
up
and
killed
in
masses.
Many
more
people
recount
the
horrors
of
the
genocide.
Unrelated
to
Moyo
despite
the
similarity
in
surnames,
79-year-old
Sawudeni
Moyo,
who
lives
in
Tsholotsho,
also
suffered
during
the
past.
“We
see
the
hot
sun.
This
year
people
will
be
killed
by
hunger,”
Sawudeni
said
as
he
expressed
his
sadness
at
the
ongoing
El
Nino
drought
in
Zimbabwe.
But
to
him,
this
cannot
surpass
what
many
like
him
went
through
during
the
1980s’
genocide.
“I
suffered
during
Gukurahundi.
My
right
hand
and
cheek
were
broken.
I
am
disabled
now.
I
am
not
afraid
to
speak
about
Gukurahundi
because
I
was
persecuted
then.
If
someone
is
talking
about
Gukurahundi,
it
is
something
that
is
so
painful,”
Sawudeni
said.
Gukurahundi
was
stopped
by
the
signing
of
the Unity
Accord
in
1987
between
then
prime
minister
Robert
Mugabe
and
nemesis
Joshua
Nkomo,
who
headed
a
Ndebele-dominated
opposition
political
party
known
as
the
Zimbabwe
African
People’s
Union
(ZAPU).
Fuzwayo,
a
coordinator
for
a
pressure
group
known
as
Ibhetshu
Likazulu,
based
in
Bulawayo,
says
“the
Gukurahundi
victims
are
suffering
in
different
ways
and
forms.
Some
of
them
can’t
access
medication
because
of
the
economic
situation.
Others
wish
to
know
where
their
relatives
were
taken
to
so
that
they
can
bury
them.
These
are
the
challenges
that
our
people
are
going
through.”
Mbonisi
Gumbo,
an
interim
secretary
for
information
and
publicity
in
the
Mthwakazi
Republic
Party
that
has
over
the
years
been
pushing
for
the
restoration
of
the
historical
Ndebele
State,
blames
the
state
for
inaction.
“Many
who
were
injured,
raped
or
witnessed
their
parents,
brothers
and
or
close
relatives
being
killed,
were
never
counselled
and
had
their
property,
forcibly
seized
by
the
fifth
brigade
army,
replaced,”
he
says.
Zimbabwean
president
Emmerson
Mnangagwa
has
expressed
commitment
to
address
the
Gukurahundi
issue
to
forge
national
unity.
Harare,
Zimbabwe
– Kimberley
Dube
takes
great
care
with
her
appearance.
She
always
looks
sharp
and
fashionable
in
smart-looking
jeans,
t-shirts,
sweatpants,
tops,
and
designer
sneakers.
“I
love
jeans
–
can’t
get
enough
of
them,”
the
35-year-old
says.
But
while
she
may
give
the
appearance
of
someone
with
money
to
spend
on
expensive
apparel,
the
self-employed
entrepreneur
laughs
when
she
says,
“You
are
wrong!
These
clothes
are
inexpensive;
I
get
them
from
secondhand
clothes
sellers.”
Dube,
who
lives
in
Harare,
is
just
one
of
a
multitude
of
Zimbabweans
who
have
turned
their
backs
on home-grown
fashion
brands,
opting
for
the
booming
market
in
secondhand
–
or
“pre-loved”
–
imports
from
overseas
instead.
“There’s
no
shop
in
this
country
where
you
can
pay
as
little
as
$2
for
a
pair
of
jeans,”
she
scoffs.
Dube
is
particularly
drawn
to
the
stylish
individuality
that
buying
second-hand
clothes
affords
her.
”Most
clothing
stores
carry
mass-produced
items,
which
you’ll
see
all
over
town;
the
stuff
here
is
unique.”
“Here”
is
a
small
market
next
door
to
a
suburban
shopping
centre
in
a
middle-class
neighbourhood,
where
we
are
perusing
the
wares.
Dube’s
equally
trendy
friend
and
fellow
millennial,
Gamuchirai
Mpofu,
a
huge
fan
of
preloved
clothes,
has
also
come
along.
“The
nice
thing
about
shopping
here
is
that
though
the
clothes
are
used,
they
are
durable,
unlike
the
Chinese
stuff
sold
in
most
shops,”
she
says.
Both
of
them
say
buying
used
clothes
gives
them
access
to
a
variety
of
brands
and
items
they
can’t
find
in
Zimbabwean
shops.
“It’s
about
uniqueness
and
individuality,”
Mpofu
says.
Winnie
Mutsokoti,
an
effervescent
seller
at
the
market,
welcomes
us
with
a
warm
smile.
She
has
four
frame
tents,
each
laid
out
like
a
section
in
a
clothing
store.
We
head
straight
to
the
one
in
which
various
styles
and
sizes
of
denim
wear
are
neatly
displayed
on
hangers.
Some
of
the
merchandise
on
offer
here
appears
new
or
hardly
worn.
”You
will
not
find
anything
other
than
denim
in
this
tent,”
she
explains.
“It’s
different
from
my
other
tents,
where
you
can
find
dresses,
jumpsuits,
shorts,
hoodies,
jerseys,
and
other
things.”
Mutsokoti
has
been
running
her
secondhand
clothes
import
business
for
six
years
now.
Today,
all
of
Mutsokoti’s
winter
stock
is
in
the
end-of-season
sale
as
the
weather
gets
warmer.
Some
of
her
items
have
store
labels
and
price
tags
on
them.
This
happens
when
the
clothes
come
from
“broken”
size
ranges
from
retailers.
A
broken
size
range
is
a
collection
in
which
several
sizes
have
sold
out.
The
remaining
items
usually
sell
at
a
reduced
price
and
end
up
in
bales
of
used
clothes
destined
for
Africa.
Imported
used
clothing
sold
in
Zimbabwe
is,
according
to
the
authorities,
brought
into
the
country
illegally
through
the
porous
borders
or
official
border
posts
with
the
collusion
of
customs,
immigration
and
law
enforcement
officials
after
it
is
brought
off
ships
from Europe
and
North
America.
While
it
is
possible
to
apply
for
a
licence
to
bring
used
clothes
into
the
country
for
re-sale,
nobody
does
this
as
it
is
expensive
and
the
import
duties
are
high.
Mutsokoti
buys
her
stock
from
a
“runner”,
who
in
turn
buys
his
stock
in
Zambia.
She
pays
on
delivery
so
she
doesn’t
risk
losing
her
money
if
the
runner
gets
arrested
and
the
clothes
are
impounded.
She
pays
anything
from
$150
to
more
than
$250
for
a
bale
of
clothes,
depending
on
the
quality
of
the
content.
“One
has
a
choice
as
the
bales
are
graded
and
labelled
accordingly.”
Pile
‘em
high,
sell
‘em
low
In
another
part
of
the
city,
the
sprawling
markets
are
busy
in
Mbare,
a
poorer,
working-class
neighbourhood
and
Harare’s
oldest
Black
residential
area,
known
as
Harare
African
Township
during
colonial
times.
Most
of
the
houses
in
the
oldest
parts
of
Mbare
have
fallen
into
disrepair.
The
hostels,
which
were
home
to
single
men
who
worked
in
white-owned
factories
during
colonial
times
and
now
house
families,
are
in
need
of
refurbishment
or
demolition,
but
nothing
has
been
done
about
them
yet.
In
one
of
the
markets
here,
spread
out
in
a
dusty
open
space
between
the
hostels,
business
in
secondhand
clothing
is
brisk.
Most
of
the
selling
takes
place
in
makeshift
sheds
covered
with
plastic
sheeting,
with
some
clothes
laid
out
on
tables
or
displayed
on
hangers.
Mostly,
sellers
pile
the
clothes
on
plastic
sheets
on
the
ground.
Prosper
Matenga,
the
owner
of
a
pile
of
men’s
and
women’s
clothing,
keeps
a
close
eye
as
prospective
customers
rummage
through
it,
some
of
them
trying
on
dresses
out
in
the
open.
His
prices
range
from
$3
to
$10
depending
on
what
a
customer
wants
to
buy
and
its
quality.
He
tells
Al
Jazeera
he
has
been
trading
in
secondhand
clothes,
also
imported
via
a
runner
from
overseas,
since
2018.
“I
couldn’t
find
a
job,
so
I
tried
this.
I
am
happy
I
did
because
I
can
look
after
my
wife
and
child,”
he
says. Like
Mutsokoti,
his
stock
also
comes
from
overseas.
Matenga
says
he
makes
more
than
a
lot
of
people
in
formal
employment.
”In
the
early
days
of
winter,
I
sometimes
made
as
much
as
$1,000
a
day;
now,
it’s
down
to
around
$200,
but
I
am
not
complaining;
I
love
being
my
own
boss.”
By
comparison,
in
Zimbabwe,
civil
servants
earn
about
$350
a
month.
The
low
overheads
are
also
attractive:
“I
don’t
pay
the
city
council
to
sell
here;
I
just
pay
the
guy
who
cleans
this
space
$2
per
day
and
$20
per
week
for
overnight
storage.”
He
shrugs
off
the
notion
of
paying
any
sort
of
vendor
fee
–
mandatory
for
most
legitimate
businesses
–
to
the
city
council
with
a
smile.
None
of
the
street
vendors
selling
from
downtown
Harare’s
pavements,
outside
their
homes
or
from
the
backs
of
their
trucks
or
cars,
pay
a
vendor
fee.
Prices
here
are
not
dissimilar
to
Mutsokoti’s
and
those
charged
by
other
vendors
in
the
more
middle-class
areas.
However,
the
Mbare
market
generally
offers
more
bargains
and
the
emphasis
is
on
durability
rather
than
fashion.
Shouts
of
“Dollar
for
two”
ring
across
the
market;
some
use
bullhorns
to
attract
the
attention
of
potential
customers.
Others
have different
priorities,
however.
Odera
Moyo,
in
his
late
20s,
is
shopping
for
clothes
at
the
Mbare
market
today
but
draws
a
line
at
secondhand
clothes
for
his
child.
“It’s
OK
for
me
and
my
wife
to
wear
used
clothes,
but
I’ll
always
buy
new
stuff
for
my
baby
boy,”
he
says.
Moyo
completed
high
school
nine
years
ago
but
has
never
been
employed
formally
since
then.
“I’d
love
to
have
a
salary,
but
jobs
are
difficult
to
find
because
of
our
country’s
economic
situation.”
Zimbabwe
has
been
facing
economic
challenges,
including
high
unemployment
rates
and
inflation
for
more
than
20
years,
causing
a
cost
of
living
crisis
for
many
people.
Moyo
depends
on
odd
menial
jobs
and
sometimes
buys
clothing
from
the
market
when
the
prices
fall
in
order
to
resell
them
on
the
street
in
areas
where
there
are
no
secondhand
clothes
markets.
“I
watch
the
prices
come
down
to
sometimes
a
dollar
for
four
items
and
then
buy,”
he
explains.
Tough
times
for
retailers
While
consumers
are
clear
winners
due
to
the
explosion
of
the
secondhand
foreign
clothes
market,
the
influx
of
used
clothing
sold
at
low
prices
has
hit
Zimbabwean
clothing
manufacturers
and
retailers.
Bekithemba
Ndebele
is
chief
executive
officer
of
Truworths
Zimbabwe,
a
clothes
retail
chain
founded
in
1957
when
the
country
was
still
a
British
colony
known
as
Rhodesia.
“We
are
competing
against
secondhand
clothing
that
comes
into
the
country
without
any
duties
paid
and,
unlike
bricks-and-mortar
retail
operators,
without
the
overhead
costs
like
occupancy
costs,
rates,
and
rents
because
these
people
are
trading
off
the
street,”
he
tells
Al
Jazeera.
“If
you
compare
the
selling
prices,
the
informal
sector
sells
at
less
than
the
raw
material
cost
–
the
fabric
cost
itself.”
While
the
dysfunctional
economy
has
been
a
major
factor
in
Truworths’s
waning
fortunes,
Ndebele
says
the
popularity
of
used
clothing
has
been
nothing
short
of
a
disaster
for
the
chain,
which
has
three
distinct
chain
brands:
Truworths
Man,
Truworths
Ladies
–
both
of
which
cater
to
the
higher
end
of
the
market
–
and
Number
1.
The
latter
mainly
sold
clothes
in
commercial
farming
areas
before
Zimbabwe’s
fast-track
land
reform
programme
launched
in
2000.
“We
had
to
close
dozens
of
branches
since
thousands
of
farm
workers
lost
their
jobs,”
Ndebele
says.
From
53
branches
at
its
peak,
Number
1
is
now
down
to
a
mere
six.
Over
the
years,
Truworths
has
closed
all
but
34
of
the
101
stores
it
operated
in
the
late
1990s.
The
difficulties
also
affected
Truworths’s
manufacturing
division,
Harare-based
Bravette,
which
was
forced
to
reduce
its
250-person
workforce
to
80
to
cut
costs.
Issues
such
as
high
unemployment,
mass
emigration
of
skilled
people
to
countries
like
South
Africa,
Botswana,
Australia, the
United
States and
the
United
Kingdom;
hyperinflation;
and
Zimbabwe’s
decades-long
general
economic
malaise
have
also
contributed
to
the
industry’s
downturn.
A
few
weeks
after
Al
Jazeera
interviewed
Ndebele,
Truworths
filed
for
bankruptcy
protection.
He
declined
to
speak
to
Al
Jazeera
again
about
the
reasons
for
this.
‘Sticking
a
bandage
on
a
festering
wound’
Currency
instability
has
also
been
a
significant
problem
for
struggling
businesses.
In
April,
Zimbabwe’s
central
bank
introduced
a
new
currency
called
the
Zimbabwe
gold
or
ZiG
to
rein
in
hyperinflation
and
currency
instability.
It
is
the
sixth
local
currency
used
since
the
2009
collapse
of
the
Zimbabwe
dollar
when
hyperinflation
hit
231
million
percent
before
the
government
stopped
measuring
it.
The
ZiG,
which
the
government
says
is
backed
by
gold
reserves,
foreign
currencies
and
precious
metals,
held
steady
against
major
currencies,
such
as
the
US
dollar
which
is
used
in
some
90
percent
of
transactions
in
the
country,
for
a
few
weeks
but
has
rapidly
lost
its
value
against
the
major
currencies
over
the
past
several
weeks
on
the
parallel
or
so-called
black
market.
This
stokes
inflation,
which
was
officially
recorded
at
1.4
percent
in
August.
With
prices
rising
still,
the
September
figure
is
expected
to
be
higher.
However,
some
experts
believe
inflation
is
already
much
higher
than
this.
Johns
Hopkins
economics
professor
Steve
Hanke
argues
the
government
is
massaging
the
real
inflation
figure.
He
claims
the
real
rate
is
894
percent,
the
highest
in
the
world.
The
government
has
dismissed
Hanke’s
method
of
calculating
inflation
as
misleading.
The
South
African
rand,
the
Botswana
pula,
and
the
British
pound
are
also
currencies
within
the
“multi-currency
basket”
that
are
legal
tender
in
Zimbabwe.
Some
economists
predicted
the
ZiG
would
follow
its
five
predecessors
into
the
dustbin
and
likened
the
introduction
of
the
ZiG
to
sticking
a
bandage
onto
a
festering
wound.
Among
them
was
Gift
Mugano
of
the
Durban
University
of
Technology,
who
was
pilloried
by
some
government
officials
for
warning
the
ZiG
would
fail,
but
now
feels
vindicated.
He
told
Al
Jazeera
that
a
lack
of
competitiveness
is
among
a
litany
of
reasons
that
all
these
iterations
of
Zimbabwean
currency
have
failed.
“Zimbabwe
is
not
competitive
in
terms
of
production
at
this
time.
We
have
had
a
drought
of
production
over
the
last
two
decades.”
He
noted
that
Zimbabwe’s over-reliance
on
imports
has
“destroyed”
local
manufacturing,
not
just
the
clothing
and
textile
sectors.
Second
to
the
lack
of
competitiveness,
Mugano
said,
is
the
issue
of
confidence.
“People
don’t
trust
the
local
currency,
and
they’d
rather
have
US
dollars
whose
value
is
predictable.
This
raises
the
demand
for
the
greenback,
putting
pressure
on
the
local
currency,”
he
said.
The
government
itself
demands
payment
for
passports
in
US
dollars.
Fuel
is
also
sold
in
dollars.
One
of
Truworths’s
major
selling
points
was
offering
pay-as-you-wear
credit
to
its
customers,
whereby
they
pay
off
whatever
they
bought
over
an
agreed
period.
However,
with
Zimbabwe’s
economy
on
a
downward
trend
and
an
estimated
80
percent
of
Zimbabweans
not
formally
employed,
the
pool
of
eligible
customers
for
this
has
shrunk
since
only
those
employed
officially
and
paid
in
US
dollars
qualify
for
the
credit.
‘They
have
reduced
the
country
to
a
supermarket’
Other
clothing
companies
have
been
similarly
affected.
Energy
Deshe
is
the
General
Manager
of
Kingsport
Investments,
a
company
specialising
in
manufacturing
protective
clothing,
promotional
wear,
corporate
clothing,
screen
printing,
and
embroidery.
He
is
also
the
vice
chairman
of
the
Zimbabwe
Clothing
Manufacturing
Association.
He
shares
Ndebele’s
exasperation
about illegal
imports and
laments
the
lack
of
action
from
the
authorities.
“The
clothes
are
brought
into
the
country
illegally;
by
allowing
their
open
sale,
it
seems
the
authorities
have
given
the
green
light
to
the
traders
to
do
what
they
want,”
he
said.
The
impact
has
taken
a
massive
toll
on
jobs
in
the
sector,
he
said.
“It
currently
employs
just
over
4,000
people,
down
from
more
than
30,000
at
its
peak
around
2001.”
Those
who
do
operate
within
the
law,
he
said,
are
effectively
punished
for
doing
so
via
relatively
high
labour
costs,
taxes,
and
the
cost
of
applying
for
licences.
“We
just
can’t
compete
with
these
clothes
dumped
into
the
country.
They
have
reduced
the
country
to
a
supermarket.”
Kingsport,
which
employed
700
people
at
the
end
of
2022,
has
been
forced
to
scale
down
to
400
employees
since
then.
While
exports
could
boost
earnings,
he
says
government
regulations
act
as
a
disincentive.
“The
government
deducts
25
percent
of
whatever
we’ll
have
earned
from
exports
in
US
dollars
and
pays
us
the
equivalent
in
local
currency.”
This
refers
to
the
requirement
by
the
Central
Bank
that
Zimbabwean
exporters
convert
at
least
25
percent
of
foreign
earnings
into
local
currency
at
the
official
exchange
rate,
which
is
significantly
higher
than
the
more
widely
used
black
market
rates.
Businesses
say
this
leads
to
losses
for
them.
Being
required
to
pay
taxes
in
US
dollars,
facing
difficulties
with
importing
raw
materials,
new
machinery
or
spare
parts,
and
an
erratic
power
supply
all
present
additional
obstacles
for
manufacturers
in
Zimbabwe.
In
2015,
Zimbabwe banned
imports of
secondhand
clothes
for
resale
in
an
attempt
to
boost
the
clothing
manufacturing
sector.
However,
the
government
relented
to
pressure
from
people
dealing
in
used
clothes
and
introduced
new
import
taxes
on
used
clothing
instead
in
2017.
Furthermore,
anyone
wanting
to
import
preloved
clothes
is
required
to
apply
for
a
licence
to
do
so.
A
customs
official
who
spoke
to
Al
Jazeera
on
condition
of
anonymity
as
he
is
not
authorised
to
talk
to
the
media
said
importers
are
not
inclined
to
obtain
a
licence
as
a
“punitive”
customs
duty
of
$5
per
kilogram
plus
15
percent
tax
is
then
charged
on
those
imports.
“If
anybody
pays
those
extra
charges
on
secondhand
clothes,
it
would
not
be
viable,”
he
concluded.
In
any
event,
he
said,
the
department
has
no
record
of
any
duty
being
paid
on
used
clothes
bales.
While
the
police
do
sporadically
intercept
trucks
with
bales
of
secondhand
clothes,
he
said,
“It
seems
it’s
not
enough.
“Every
once
in
a
while,
the
police
call
us
to
say
they
have
intercepted
a
truckload
of
secondhand
bales,
but
judging
by
the
amount
of
clothes
on
the
street,
it’s
clear
most
of
the
bales
get
through.”
When
Al
Jazeera
contacted
the
Ministry
of
Industry
and
Commerce
department
that
issues
import
licences,
an
official
there
said
that
the
department
had
not
issued
a
single
licence
for
the
import
of
secondhand
clothes.
Zimbabwe
Republic
Police
spokesperson
Commissioner
Paul
Nyathi
confirmed
that
the
smuggling
of
secondhand
clothes
into
the
country
is
common.
“We
have
an
ongoing
operation
against
smuggling
which
includes
used
clothing;
we
have
recovered
bales
of
clothing,
which
we
have
surrendered
to
the
customs
department,”
he
told
Al
Jazeera.
He
added
that
the
police
had
arrested
some
customs,
immigration
and
law
enforcement
officers
for
working
with
the
smugglers.
Despite
all
that,
the
secondhand
clothes
trade
continues
to
flourish
in
Zimbabwe,
with
some
sellers
openly
advertising
on
social
media,
where
their
phone
numbers
and
addresses
are
clearly
on
display.
‘We’d
buy
local
–
if
the
price
was
right’
Some
countries
in
Africa have
banned the
import
of
used
clothing
altogether.
“We
can
learn
something
from
Uganda
and
Rwanda,
who
enforce
bans
on
used
clothing,”
said
Kingsport’s
Deshe.
“Their
textile
and
clothing
industries
are
flourishing.”
Clothes
designer
Joyce
Chimanye,
who
worked
for
various
clothes
manufacturers
before
launching
her
own
brand
of
clothing
named
Zuvva,
said
she
believes
enforcing
the
law
and
changing
government
policy
could
revive
the
ailing
clothes
retail
and
manufacturing
sectors.
Before
the
secondhand
clothing
craze,
she
said,
“There
was
a
very
high
level
of
domestic
apparel
consumption,
and
the
manufacturing
sector
was
vibrant;
the
factories
exported
clothes
for
brands
such
as
Littlewood,
JCPenney,
Gap,
Levis
and
Banana
Republic”.
But
that
was
before
the
country’s
economic
woes
took
hold
and
many
have
since
shut
up
shop.
Chimanye
said
she
believes
Zimbabwe
could
learn
from
Bangladesh,
which
implemented
market-oriented
policies,
including
industry
privatisation
and
trade
liberalisation
in
the
1980s,
to
become
the
second-largest
garment-producing
country
in
the
world.
According
to
data
from
the
Bangladeshi
Export
Promotion
Bureau,
the
county’s
textile
and
garment
industry
now
employs
more
than
4
million
people.
While
the
customers
of
preloved
clothing
that
Al
Jazeera
spoke
to
are
happy
with the
low
prices,
the
quality,
and
the
variety
of
used
clothes
they
have
access
to,
they
said
they
would
also
be
happy
to
buy
locally
manufactured
clothes
on
condition
that
the
cost
and
quality
are
right.
“We’d
buy
local
clothes
if
the
prices,
quality,
and
variety
are
addressed,”
Kimberley
Dube
says.
…ZeemTV
is
proudly
celebrating
its
second
anniversary.
On
September
29,
2022,
the
Crisis
in
Zimbabwe
Coalition
launched
ZeemTV,
an
impactful
online
platform
dedicated
to
the
promotion
of
the
country’s
constitution.
As
we
mark
two
years
since
our
launch,
we
emphatically
reaffirm
our
unwavering
commitment
to
providing
unwavering,
accurate,
and
consistent
information
to
empower
citizens
in
implementing
and
promoting
the
constitution.
Over
the
past
two
years,
we
have
travelled
the
length
and
breadth
of
the
country
fearlessly
covering
human
interest
stories
essential
for
the
promotion
of
human
rights
as
enshrined
in
our
constitution.
Access
to
information
is
the
cornerstone
for
advancing
citizen
agency
in
constitutional
matters
and
compelling
state
actors
and
institutions
to
uphold
and
protect
the
constitution.
We
have
gleaned
invaluable
lessons
over
the
past
two
years
and
are
resolute
in
our
determination
to
enhance
and
expand
ZeemTV
to
better
serve
citizens
and
amplify
their
voices.
ZeemTV
remains
steadfast
in
its
dedication
to
amplifying
the
voices
of
ordinary
Zimbabweans,
including
marginalized
communities
and
civil
society,
in
our
relentless
pursuit
to
foster
a
culture
of
constitutionalism
in
Zimbabwe.
The
establishment
of
ZeemTV
is
an
integral
part
of
Crisis
in
Zimbabwe
Coalition’s
bold
response
to
the
ongoing
manipulation
of
the
constitution
for
political
purposes.
We
ardently
aspire
for
ZeemTV
to
continue
expanding
its
reach
beyond
our
borders,
amplifying
the
voices
of
marginalized
communities
in
its
unwavering
mission
to
promote,
safeguard,
and
defend
the
constitution
and
democratic
space.
As
we
celebrate
our
second
anniversary,
we
express
profound
gratitude
to
all
stakeholders
who
have
played
a
pivotal
role
in
ensuring
the
success
of
the
ZeemTV
project
in
promoting
constitutionalism
in
Zimbabwe.
Next
Vigil
meeting
outside
the
Zimbabwe
Embassy. Saturday
5th October
from
2
–
5
pm.
We
meet
on
the
first
and
third
Saturdays
of
every
month.
On
other
Saturdays
the
virtual
Vigil
will
run.
The
Restoration
of
Human
Rights
in
Zimbabwe
(ROHR) is
the
Vigil’s
partner
organisation
based
in
Zimbabwe.
ROHR
grew
out
of
the
need
for
the
Vigil
to
have
an
organisation
on
the
ground
in
Zimbabwe
which
reflected
the
Vigil’s
mission
statement
in
a
practical
way.
ROHR
in
the
UK
actively
fundraises
through
membership
subscriptions,
events,
sales
etc
to
support
the
activities
of
ROHR
in
Zimbabwe.
The
Vigil’s
book
‘Zimbabwe
Emergency’ is
based
on
our
weekly
diaries.
It
records
how
events
in
Zimbabwe
have
unfolded
as
seen
by
the
diaspora
in
the
UK.
It
chronicles
the
economic
disintegration,
violence,
growing
oppression
and
political
manoeuvring
–
and
the
tragic
human
cost
involved. It
is
available
at
the
Vigil.
All
proceeds
go
to
the
Vigil
and
our
sister
organisation
the
Restoration
of
Human
Rights
in
Zimbabwe’s
work
in
Zimbabwe.
The
book
is
also
available
from
Amazon.
The
Vigil,
outside
the
Zimbabwe
Embassy,
429
Strand,
London
meets
regularly
on
Saturdays
from
14.00
to
17.00
to
protest
against
gross
violations
of
human
rights
in
Zimbabwe.
The
Vigil
which started
in
October
2002
will
continue
until
internationally-monitored,
free
and
fair
elections
are
held
in
Zimbabwe.
The
Zambezi
River
Authority
(ZRA)
has
allocated
a
total
of
27
billion
cubic
meters
(BCM)
of
water
for
power
generation
in
2025,
up
from
16
BCM
it
allocated
for
2024.
This
water
will
be
shared
equally
between
Zambia’s
ZESCO
Limited
and
the
Zimbabwe
Power
Company
(ZPC).
ZRA
announced
this
update
on
September
27,
2024,
which
includes
information
about
water
allocation
at
Kariba
Dam,
the
outlook
for
rainfall
in
the
Kariba
Catchment
area,
and
current
water
levels
in
the
reservoir.
In
making
this
allocation,
ZRA
considered
the
weather
forecast
from
the
Southern
African
Climate
Outlook
Forum
(SARCOF),
which
predicts
conditions
for
the
Southern
African
Development
Community
(SADC)
region
during
the
2024/2025
rainfall
season.
Said
ZRA:
During
the
Southern
African
Climate
Outlook
Forum
(SARCOF)
held
in
Harare,
Zimbabwe
in
August
2024,
local,
regional
and
international
weather
experts
provided
the
forecast
for
the
upcoming
2024/2025
rainfall
season.
The
forum
predicted
that
the
Southern
African
Development
Community
(SADC)
region,
which
includes
the
Kariba
Catchment,
is
likely
to
experience
Normal
to
Above-
Normal
rainfall
during
the
2024/2025
rainfall
season.
Furthermore,
it
was
indicated
that
the
season
would
commence
during
the
last
quarter
of
2024.
In
addition
to
the
SARCOF
projections,
the
Meteorological
Departments
of
Zambia
and
Zimbabwe
provided
the
associated
downscaled
forecasts.
Both
forecasts
indicate
that
the
Kariba
Lower
Catchment
(covering
northern
Zimbabwe)
and
the
North-eastern
Angola
section
of
the
Zambezi
River
Catchment
are
likely
to
receive
Below-Normal
rainfall
from
October
2024
to
January
2025.
This
could
negatively
impact
river
inflows
into
Lake
Kariba
during
that
period.
ZRA
added
that
based
on
hydrological
simulations
and
consultations,
it
has
decided
to
allocate
a
total
of
27
billion
cubic
meters
(BCM)
of
water
for
power
generation
at
Kariba
Dam
in
2025.
This
water
will
be
divided
equally,
with
ZESCO
Limited
and
the
Zimbabwe
Power
Company
(ZPC)
each
receiving
13.5
BCM.
This
water
allocation
will
be
reviewed
at
the
end
of
March
2025,
considering
the
actual
rainfall,
river
inflows,
and
current
water
levels
in
the
dam.
In
December
2023,
ZRA
had
allocated
16
billion
cubic
metres
of
water
for
2024,
also
shared
equally
between
ZESCO
and
ZPC.
As
of
September
23,
2024,
the
usable
water
storage
in
Lake
Kariba
was
only
7%,
compared
to
22.88%
on
the
same
date
in
2023.
In
recent
months,
ZPC
has
been
generating
a
maximum
of
215
MW
of
power
at
the
Kariba
South
Hydro
Power
Station
after
ZRA
reduced
the
water
supply
to
the
two
power
plants.
[My
work]
opens
doors
for
me
because
of
the
morbid,
because
of
people’s
curiosity
…
They
want
to
understand
this.
I’ve
always
told
people
that
Mariel
is
a
singer
who
became
a
lawyer.
[People
ask]
how
I
can
do
this
job,
that
I’m
part
of
the
mafia,
how
can
I
sleep
at
night?
I
don’t
care
what
they
say
about
me.
I
sleep
very
well
at
night.
—
Mariel
Colón,
defense
lawyer
to
drug
kingpin
Joaquín
“El
Chapo”
Guzmán,
in
comments
given
to
the
Associated
Press,
on
her
budding
music
career
under
the
stage
name
of
“Mariel
La
Abogada”
(Mariel,
the
Lawyer).
Colón
told
the
AP
that
while
she
wanted
to
be
a
singer,
her
family
insisted
that
she
become
a
lawyer.
Staci
Zaretsky is
a
senior
editor
at
Above
the
Law,
where
she’s
worked
since
2011.
She’d
love
to
hear
from
you,
so
please
feel
free
to
email
her
with
any
tips,
questions,
comments,
or
critiques.
You
can
follow
her
on
X/Twitter
and
Threads
or
connect
with
her
on
LinkedIn.
On
Friday,
Special
Counsel
Jack
Smith
moved
to
file
a
document
under
seal
in
the
election
interference
case
in
DC.
This
motion
was
consistent
with
—
in
fact
mandated
by!
—
the
protective
order
signed
by
the
court
back
in
August
of
2023
and
Local
Rule
of
Criminal
Procedure
49(f)(6)(i).
If
either
party
includes
sensitive
discovery
material
in
a
filing,
it
must
file
the
document
under
seal
along
with
a
redacted
version
for
the
public
docket.
And
yet
Donald
Trump’s
lawyers
have
seized
upon
this
mundane
occasion
to
throw
a
shrieking
tantrum,
accusing
the
Special
Counsel
of
deliberately
putting
protected
information
on
the
public
docket
in
advance
of
the
election.
“The
true
motivation
driving
the
efforts
by
the
Special
Counsel’s
Office
to
disseminate
witness
statements
that
they
previously
sought
to
lock
down
is
as
obvious
as
it
is
inappropriate,”
they
fulminate.
“The
Office
wants
their
politically
motivated
manifesto
to
be
public,
contrary
to
the
Justice
Manual
and
longstanding
DOJ
norms
in
cases
not
involving
President
Trump,
in
the
final
weeks
of
the
2024
Presidential
election
while
early
voting
has
already
begun
throughout
the
United
States.”
The
issue
here
is
that,
after
giving
Trump
every
little
thing
his
heart
could
desire
with
respect
to
presidential
immunity,
the
Supreme
Court
remanded
the
case
to
Judge
Tanya
Chutkan
to
determine
what
to
do
in
light
of
its
ruling
that
presidents
can
do
crimes
now.
The
trial
judge
asked
the
parties
for
their
thoughts
on
how
to
proceed,
and
Trump
said
he’d
like
to
do
functionally
nothing
until
2025.
The
Special
Counsel
responded
that
his
office
was
prepared
to
immediately
defend
its
newly
procured
superseding
indictment,
particularly
the
decision
to
include
the
pressure
campaign
to
convince
Vice
President
Pence
to
accept
fraudulent
swing
state
ballots
on
January
6.
And
given
the
choice
between
NEVER
and
NOW,
the
court
chose
to
get
on
with
the
matter.
Perhaps
realizing
their
strategic
error
(or
maybe
because
flopping
is
their
favorite
tactic)
Trump’s
lawyers
responded
with
multiple
motions
demanding
that
the
court
reconsider
its
order
that
the
special
counsel
defend
his
charging
decisions,
although
none
of
these
protests
has
actually
been
denominated
as
a
motion
to
reconsider.
Instead
Trump’s
counsel
just
screamed
bloody
murder
about
it
in
a
response
to
a
motion
to
exceed
page
length
and
a
motion
to
compel.
And
now
they’re
yelling
because
Jack
Smith
didn’t
redact enough,
and
Donald
Trump
is
still
under
a
gag
order,
and
that
is
NO
FAIR!
President
Trump
has
abided
by
these
restrictions
for
over
a
year.
Yet
now,
in
advance
of
predictable
national
news
coverage,
the
Office
seeks
to
disseminate
protected
content
of
Sensitive
Materials,
including
direct
quotations
and
summaries,
while
the
gag
order
restricts
President
Trump’s
ability
to
fully
address
the
details
of
the
filing
on
the
campaign
trail.
They
whine
that
the
Special
Counsel
objected
to
putting
unredacted
grand
jury
material
on
the
public
docket
in
Florida,
even
going
so
far
as
to
school
Judge
Aileen
Cannon
on
the
difference
between
protected
discovery
materials
(presumptively
not
public)
and
evidence
at
trial
(presumptively
public).
And
boy
did
she
ever
show
them!
“The
Office
believes
President
Trump’s
Constitutional
rights
to
impartial
jurors
and
fair
proceedings—to
say
nothing
of
witness
privacy
and
even
safety—all
take
a
back
seat
to
the
Office’s
political
goals,”
they
fume,
seemingly
impervious
to
the
irony
of
arguing
that
Trump
has
a
constitutional
right
to
attack
witnesses
at
a
campaign
rally
while
simultaneously
accusing
the
prosecution
of
poisoning
the
jury
with
“impotent”
redactions
that
fail
to
anonymize
job
titles.
And
although
the
brief
only
spanned
seven
pages,
Trump’s
lawyers
still
managed
to
squeeze
in
an
ad
hominem
attack
on
his
enemies.
“While
the
Presidential
immunity
filing
contains
few,
if
any,
new
allegations
not
already
covered
in
other
politically
motivated
and
inaccurate
lawfare
efforts
that
President
Trump’s
opponents
have
improperly
funded
and
disseminated,
it
is
irresponsible
for
the
prosecutors
to
so
quickly
abandon
the
safety
and
privacy
interests
that
they
previously
assigned
great
weight
in
this
case
and
in
the
Southern
District
of
Florida,”
they
whine,
while
demanding
to
chew
more
clock
with
another
round
of
briefing
on
the
proposed
redactions.
“Accordingly,
the
Court
should
require
the
Office
to
make
consistent
redactions
regarding
identity-related
information
and
to
show
cause
why
their
proposed
public
disclosure
of
voluminous
purportedly
sensitive
witness
statements
will
not
pose
risks
to
potential
witnesses
and
unfairly
prejudice
the
adjudication
of
this
case.”
It’s
a
lot.
And
considering
Judge
Chutkan’s
irritation
the
last
time
they
tried
this,
it
seems
unlikely
to
succeed.
A
federal
judge
in
Delaware
has
dismissed
the
claim
by
now-shuttered
legal
research
startup
ROSS
Intelligence
that
Thomson
Reuters
violated
federal
antitrust
law
by
unlawfully
tying
its
search
tool
to
its
public
law
database
in
order
to
maintain
its
dominance
in
the
overall
market
for
legal
search
platforms.
The
ruling
brings
an
end
to
ROSS’s
counterclaims
against
Thomson
Reuters
(TR)
in
the continuing
federal
court
litigation between
the
two
parties.
Still
to
be
decided
in
the
case
are
TR’s
claims
that
ROSS
violated
its
copyrights
by
unlawfully
copying
TR’s
legal
materials
in
order
to
use
them
to
train
its
own
AI-driven
legal
research
platform.
Those
claims
were
scheduled
to
have
gone
to
trial
last
month,
but
the
trial
was
continued
at
the
eleventh hour,
leaving
the
copyright
issues
yet
to
be
decided.
In
2022,
Judge
Leonard
P.
Stark
—
who
previously
presided
over
the
case
as
a
U.S.
district
judge
in
Delaware
before
becoming
a
judge
of
the
Court
of
Appeals
for
the
Federal
Circuit–
dismissed
a
portion
of
ROSS’s
antitrust
claims,
but
he
allowed
the
tying
claim
to
move
forward.
That
claim
alleged
that
TR
violated
Section
2
of
the
Sherman
Antitrust
Act
by
unlawfully
tying
its
search
tool
to
its
public
law
database
in
order
to
maintain
its
dominance
in
the
overall
market
for
legal
search
platforms.
Tying
occurs
when
a
seller
exploits
its
control
of
a
product
to
condition
the
sale
of
that
product
on
the
buyer’s
promise
to
also
purchase
a
different
product.
But
that
earlier
ruling
came
before
the
parties
had
been
able
to
flesh
out
the
evidence
in
the
case
through
discovery
and
depositions
and
was
based
on
ROSS’s
allegations
in
its
counterclaim.
No
Proof
of
Tying
In
the
ruling
issued
Friday,
the
judge
who
replaced
Judge
Stark
in
the
case,
3rd
U.S.
Circuit
Court
of
Appeals Judge
Stephanos
Bibas,
sitting
by
designation
in
the
U.S.
District
Court
in
Delaware,
granted
TR’s
motion
for
summary
judgment
on
the
tying
claim,
concluding
that
ROSS
had
failed
to
back
up
its
allegations
with
sufficient
evidence.
ROSS’s
theory
was
that
the
Westlaw
caselaw
database
is
a
standalone
product
that
many
consumers
want
to
buy,
but
that
TR
will
sell
it
only
when
it
is
packaged
with
Westlaw’s
search
tools,
which
ROSS
alleged
was
a
separate
product.
“In
other
words,
Ross
claims
that
Thomson
Reuters
forces
people
to
buy
its
Westlaw
search
tools
if
they
want
to
use
its
caselaw
database,”
Judge
Bibas
explained.
To
establish
an
unlawful
tying
arrangement,
Judge
Bibas
said,
ROSS
would
have
to
show
that
the
products
are,
in
fact,
separate,
and
then
would
have
to
define
the
relevant
market
for
those
products
in
order
to
show
an
improper
use
of
power
in
that
market.
ROSS
failed
to
establish
either
of
these
facts,
Judge
Bibas
ruled.
On
the
issue
of
separate
products,
ROSS
failed
to
show
that
there
is
sufficient
consumer
demand
in
the
market
to
purchase
these
products
separately,
insofar
as
it
failed
to
show
that
consumers
had
in
fact
bought
the
products
separately,
had
wanted
to
buy
the
products
separately,
or
would
have
wanted
to
buy
the
products
separately
had
TR
not
intimidated
them
from
doing
so.
A
key
to
ROSS’s
argument
was
that
the
case
law
TR
now
sells
online
was
once
sold
in
books,
as
a
product
separate
and
distinct
from
Westlaw’s
search
tools.
That
proved
that
the
caselaw
database
was
a
separate
product,
ROSS
asserted.
But
the
judge
concluded
that
the
analogy
to
books
suffered
from
two
flaws.
“First,
Ross
is
wrong
that
books
were
sold
without
search
tools,”
Judge
Bibas
wrote.
“True,
books
were
sold
without
Westlaw’s
current
technological
capacity.
But
if
we
can
analogize
online
legal
databases
to
printed
legal
databases,
we
can
also
analogize
online
search
tools
to
printed
search
tools:
tables
of
contents,
indices,
and
page
numbers.
So
its
database
was
not
sold
unbundled
from
search
tools.”
Second,
Judge
Bibas
continued,
“the
evolution
from
book
search
tools
(say,
a
table
of
contents)
to
Westlaw’s
digital
search
tools
(say,
Boolean
search
terms)
is
like
how
the
horse-drawn
carriage
market
evolved
into
the
car
market.
Just
as
we
no
longer
use
horse-drawn
carriages
for
transportation
(except
for
fun),
few
consumers
want
caselaw
separated
from
the
sophisticated
search
tools
that
make
it
digestible.
A
market
for
public
law
in
book
form
used
to
exist,
but
that
does
not
mean
that
a
market
for
separate
caselaw
still
exists
in
a
world
with
more
sophisticated
search
tools.”
The
opinion
goes
on
to
discuss
–
and
dismiss
–
other
arguments
ROSS
raised
to
establish
its
tying
argument,
but
the
bottom
line
is
that
the
judge
found
insufficient
evidence
to
establish
any
of
them.
Even
if
ROSS
had
established
tying,
the
judge
said
that
its
claim
would
still
fail
because
it
had
failed
to
establish
evidence
that
would
define
the
market
that
would
be
harmed
by
any
tying
arrangement.
ROSS
attempted
to
do
that,
the
judge
said,
through
the
opinion
of
an
expert
witness,
James
Ratliff,
an
economist
who
specializes
in
antitrust
matters.
But
the
judge
said
that
Ratliff’s
expert
opinion
devoted
only
a
few
paragraphs
to
this
issue
and
was
so
lacking
that
it
failed
to
meet
the
standards
for
the
admissibility
of
an
expert
opinion
under
under
Federal
Rule
of
Evidence
702
and
Daubert
v.
Merrell
Dow
Pharms.,
Inc.,
509
U.S.
579,
592–93
(1993).
“Dr.
Ratliff
essentially
has
no
methodology
for
defining
the
relevant
markets,”
Judge
Bibas
said.
“He
includes
no
math
or
economic
modeling.
He
never
analyzes
potential
competitors
in
any
depth.
All
he
does
is
make
brief,
conclusory
assertions.
That
is
not
enough.”